????在這片廣袤的土地上——面積三倍于德克薩斯州——英國石油（BP）和獨立油氣公司Hunt Oil曾經(jīng)賺得大筆財富，直到上世紀70年代卡扎菲將它們的權(quán)益收歸國有。由于卡扎菲卷入恐怖活動，美國政府對利比亞進行多年制裁以示報復，迫使美國石油巨頭們在1986年紛紛撤出；1988年利比亞資助的恐怖分子炸毀了一架泛美航空客機，1992年聯(lián)合國也開始制裁該國。2004年底，美國公司重返利比亞——卡扎菲當時宣布放棄大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，并向洛克比空難遇難家屬提供賠償；作為獎勵，美國解除了制裁。對利比亞和歐美石油公司來說，這都是賺錢的大好良機，馬拉松石油（Marathon Oil）、西方石油（Occidental Petroleum）、康菲石油（ConocoPhillips）等美國公司均重新開始在利比亞開展業(yè)務(wù)，道達爾（Total）、埃尼集團（ENI）、雷普索爾（Respol）等歐洲公司則繼續(xù)攬下大量數(shù)十億美元規(guī)模的合同。各界基于爭奪新合同，為此罔顧卡扎菲的獨裁統(tǒng)治，而是寧愿相信其子賽義夫承諾的全面改革計劃。

????2004年底，我在的黎波里第一次見到了賽義夫。當時歐美企業(yè)界人士爭相涌入該市，嘗試與這位在倫敦接受過教育的卡扎菲繼承人見面。2010年初，我第二次到訪該市，那時賽義夫仍然握有很大影響力，可以左右其父在商業(yè)類事務(wù)上的決定，因此，一支龐大的美國企業(yè)代表團再次造訪。今年北約在利比亞發(fā)起的軍事行動使這一切皆成往事，可在此之前，西方對賽義夫大獻殷勤確實取得了成效。就在反叛爆發(fā)前兩天，一家萬豪酒店（J.W. Marriott）大廈在的黎波里風景如畫的海灘開業(yè)，附近是一家配有游艇碼頭的喜來登酒店（Sheraton），卡扎菲的防彈寶馬和奔馳轎車就停在外面——他后來逃離的黎波里時將這些豪車丟在了身后。起重機往來穿梭，引人注目的購物商場、公寓大樓甚至是一座全新的國會大樓（People's Congress Hall）正拔地而起。后者是卡扎菲政權(quán)的象征，由著名設(shè)計師扎哈?哈迪德設(shè)計?！耙粋€小集團越來越富有，而我們其他人只能眼巴巴地看著，”的黎波里商業(yè)咨詢網(wǎng)站knowlibya.net的首席執(zhí)行官薩米?扎普提亞說。

????阿里?塔胡尼可不是卡扎菲政權(quán)的老朋友。他原是班加西人，因為參與政治活動，1973年就被逐出大學，旋即逃亡美國，時年僅22歲。作為報復，卡扎菲剝奪了他的國籍，還判處他死刑。塔胡尼在密歇根州立大學（Michigan State University）獲得了經(jīng)濟學博士學位，在西雅圖定居，生了四個孩子，還成了華盛頓大學福斯特商學院（Foster School of Business）的高級講師。

????It's here in this giant terrain -- three times the size of Texas -- that Hunt Oil and BP (BP) made fortunes before Qaddafi nationalized their concessions in the 1970s. U.S. sanctions forced American oil majors out in 1986 in retaliation for Qaddafi's involvement in terrorist activities; UN sanctions came in 1992, after the Libyan-sponsored bombing of a Pan Am jetliner in 1988. By late 2004, U.S. companies returned -- a reward for Qaddafi's abandoning weapons of mass destruction and compensating Lockerbie victims. For both sides there were fresh fortunes to be made. Marathon Oil (MRO), Occidental Petroleum (OXY), ConocoPhillips (COP), and others resumed operation, while Total (TOT), ENI (E), Respol, and other European companies continued their multibillion-dollar contracts. All elbowed for new deals, ignoring Qaddafi's dictatorship and focusing instead on his son Saif's grand reform promises.

????When I first met Saif in Tripoli in late 2004, U.S. and European business representatives raced around the city trying to meet this London-educated would-be heir apparent. By my second visit in early 2010, Saif held huge sway over decisions about business, and a large U.S. business delegation was again in town. Notwithstanding this year's grueling NATO campaign, the West's courtship paid off. Two days before the revolt erupted, a J.W. Marriott (MAR) tower opened along Tripoli's picturesque seafront. Nearby is a new Four Points Sheraton, complete with a marina; outside, the Qaddafis' armored BMW and Mercedes-Benz sedans sit parked, abandoned during their flight from Tripoli. Cranes loom over Tripoli's splashy half-built shopping malls, apartment complexes, and even a new People's Congress Hall -- a symbol of Qaddafi's regime -- designed by famed architect Zaha Hadid. "A small group got richer and richer, while the rest of us watched," says Sami Zaptia, CEO of the Tripoli business consultancy knowlibya.net.

????Ali Tarhouni was no friend of the regime. Originally from Benghazi, he was expelled from college for political activism and fled to the U.S. in 1973, at age 22. In retaliation, Qaddafi stripped him of his citizenship and sentenced him to death. Tarhouni earned a doctorate in economics from Michigan State University, settled in Seattle, and had four children, becoming a senior lecturer at UW's Foster School of Business.