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《財(cái)富》經(jīng)典回顧:黃金大辯論 (《財(cái)富》雜志,1931年)

《財(cái)富》經(jīng)典回顧:黃金大辯論 (《財(cái)富》雜志,1931年)

《財(cái)富》 2011-08-22
編者按:每周,《財(cái)富》網(wǎng)站(Fortune.com)將從往期《財(cái)富》雜志文章中精選出一篇最受讀者歡迎的文章。本文摘自1931年2月刊,文章討論了今天依然存在激烈爭論的話題——黃金的真正價(jià)值何在?當(dāng)時(shí),美國正在經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條中苦苦掙扎,黃金是當(dāng)時(shí)的貨幣本位,交易價(jià)格僅為每盎司20美元。

從黃金到貨幣

????下面,我們來看一下世界各國用黃金衡量商品的機(jī)制。比如:金本位制。由于黃金無法滿足日常使用的需要,因此每個(gè)國家都會(huì)發(fā)行貨幣,并將貨幣與黃金掛鉤,或者采取所謂的金本位制。概括地講,目前各國使用的金本位制共有三種:(1)純粹或古典金本位制:紙幣可兌換黃金——美國和瑞典均采用這種本位制;(2)金條本位制:只有大量的紙幣才能兌換黃金(可以購買金條但不能購買金幣)——英國、法國和比利時(shí)采用這種本位制;(3)金匯兌本位制:紙幣與實(shí)行嚴(yán)格本位制的其他國家的黃金儲(chǔ)備掛鉤——換句話說,就是以黃金為基礎(chǔ),本國貨幣可以兌換其他國家的紙幣。按照金匯兌本位制發(fā)行的信貸背后,黃金儲(chǔ)備可能包括也可能不包括黃金以及實(shí)行金本位制國家的紙幣。奧地利、波蘭、羅馬尼亞等都采取這種“本國紙幣與他國金本位紙幣掛鉤”的制度。

????在這三種金本位制下,還有數(shù)十種不同的衍生制度,有些國家甚至采用了混合制度。這些制度之間的微妙差別巨大,新型金匯兌本位制的出現(xiàn),開創(chuàng)了一種全新的國際關(guān)系。(奧地利在一戰(zhàn)之前采用了這種制度,而目前之所以大受歡迎,則主要是出于戰(zhàn)后的需要。)但這種制度也產(chǎn)生了一種悖論:既然任何國家都可能采用這種制度,如果所有國家都采用了,則這種制度在事實(shí)上也就不復(fù)存在了。既然是基于金本位,那么必須有一個(gè)采用金本位制的國家存在。金匯兌本位制的整個(gè)機(jī)制正在成型階段。但一國將另外一國的黃金作為準(zhǔn)備金的想法確實(shí)存在,并且也確實(shí)能夠發(fā)揮作用,前提是該國能夠清楚地意識到這種做法的爭議性。

????既然已經(jīng)了解了方法,下一步就是要觀察執(zhí)行情況。第一個(gè)問題是,需要為貨幣儲(chǔ)備多少黃金或金匯兌。政府根據(jù)經(jīng)驗(yàn)認(rèn)為,他們所持有黃金的價(jià)值應(yīng)該是流通貨幣的30%到40%。金匯兌制國家也會(huì)保持同樣比例的金匯兌。通常情況下,該比例將由法律強(qiáng)制規(guī)定。但法律規(guī)定通常是以銀行業(yè)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)作為依據(jù),只是粗略代表了該國的金融家們認(rèn)定的安全界限。美國要求40%,法國要求35%,意大利要求40%。英國的機(jī)制較為復(fù)雜,法律規(guī)定了按照相對數(shù)量的黃金儲(chǔ)備,批準(zhǔn)發(fā)行的最大貨幣數(shù)量,實(shí)際上的比例為33%。一個(gè)國家所擁有的黃金可作為銀行所發(fā)行紙幣的準(zhǔn)備金,或作為紙幣或其他債券的保證金。儲(chǔ)備制度司空見慣,但窮盡一生或許也研究不透各國的相關(guān)法律。但其實(shí)所有機(jī)制背后都有一個(gè)核心思想:國家必須保持足夠的價(jià)值——黃金或金匯兌——以維持人們對其貨幣的信心,并保證有足夠的備用現(xiàn)金,可以用于償還債務(wù)。問題再次出現(xiàn):如果所有人都要求立刻取回自己的錢,這樣的要求可能無法實(shí)現(xiàn)。但經(jīng)驗(yàn)證明,始終保持穩(wěn)定的黃金-貨幣比例的國家,不會(huì)因?yàn)閲裢瑫r(shí)需要黃金而陷入窘境。增加貨幣發(fā)行而不增加黃金儲(chǔ)備,并不會(huì)終結(jié)黃金作為最終擔(dān)保物這一功能的擴(kuò)張。在開始考慮由于這種擴(kuò)張所引發(fā)的問題之前,我們的推論或許應(yīng)該更進(jìn)一步。

????Gold Into More Money

????Consider now the machinery by which gold measures the commodities of the world. Exhibit A: the gold standard. As there is not enough metal for everyday use, each nation issues currency and agrees to relate its currency to gold or to go on what is called a gold standard. There are, broadly speaking, three types of gold standard in use. There are (I) the absolute or orthodox standard: paper money is redeemable in gold -- the U. S. and Sweden are committed to this make of gold standard; (2) the gold bullion standard: paper money is only redeemable in gold in large quantities (you can buy a gold bar but not a gold coin) England, France, and Belgium use this type; (3) the gold exchange standard: paper money is supported by the reserves of some other country which is on a strict gold standard -- in other words currency is exchangeable for paper based on gold. The reserve behind credit issued on gold exchange may or may not contain gold metal along with the paper of a gold standard country. Austria, Poland, Rumania, etc., are on this paper-based-on-paper-based-on-gold basis.

????There are dozens of different sub-species, hybrids, etc., etc. The subtleties involved in these arrangements are enormous, and the introduction of the relatively new gold exchange standard (Austria used it before the War, but its present popularity was born of post-War necessity) opens up a whole new field of international relationship. It also introduces the paradox that, while any country may use it, if every country did, it would, ipso facto, cease to exist. For being based on a gold standard, it implies the existence of one. The whole machinery of gold exchange standard is in the formative stage. But the idea of a country's using another's gold as a reserve does exist and does work, if only with the din of controversy in its metaphorical ears.

????Having suggested the methods, the next step is to observe what we may of the execution. The first problem is how much gold or gold exchange should be reserved against currency. Experience has convinced governments that they should have gold on hand to the value of 30 or 40 per cent of their currency in circulation. And gold exchange nations keep about the same ratio of gold exchange. The ratios are, generally, fixed by law. But the legal requirements are universally based on banking experience and represent roughly what the financiers of the nation think a safe margin. The U.S. requires 40 per cent, France 35, Italy 40, etc. England's system is involved, and legal requirements are phrased in terms of maximum amounts of currency authorizable against certain sums of reserve, in effect necessitating a 33 per cent ratio. The gold a nation possesses may be figured as reserve behind actual bank notes issued, or as backing up these notes and other obligations. Reservations are the rule, and a lifetime could be spent studying the laws of various lands. But back of all systems runs this idea: a country must keep enough value -- gold or gold exchange -- on hand to preserve man's confidence in its currency, to have enough cash in the till to meet its obligations as presented. Once more: if everyone asked for his money at once, he couldn't get it. But experience has shown that a stable country maintaining about these ratios will never find itself embarrassed by too many of its citizens demanding gold at the same time. This issuance of more currency than gold does not end the expansion of the metal's use as a final guarantee, and before we can take up the problems which have arisen as a result of such expansion we will have to touch on the further projection.

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