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資本主義到底公平不公平

資本主義到底公平不公平

Christopher Matthews 2014-05-29
現(xiàn)代資本主義并不能提供一個(gè)公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的舞臺(tái),決策者的任務(wù)應(yīng)該是推動(dòng)文化和公共政策變化,讓經(jīng)濟(jì)能更好地服務(wù)于每個(gè)人。

????俗話說(shuō),統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)比赤裸裸的謊言更不靠譜。

????上周末就出現(xiàn)了這樣一幕:英國(guó)《金融時(shí)報(bào)》(Financial Times)的經(jīng)濟(jì)編輯克里斯?蓋斯發(fā)表了一篇博文,質(zhì)疑經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家托馬斯?皮凱蒂在暢銷書《21世紀(jì)資本論》(Capital in the Twenty-First Century)中使用的數(shù)據(jù)。蓋斯從皮凱蒂的數(shù)據(jù)中找出了幾個(gè)錯(cuò),由此質(zhì)疑過(guò)去30年歐美財(cái)富不平等程度到底是否出現(xiàn)了明顯可見(jiàn)的加劇。

????皮凱蒂在書中認(rèn)為,資本主義的社會(huì)財(cái)富會(huì)天然地變得更加集中,特別是在人口和經(jīng)濟(jì)低增長(zhǎng)時(shí)期。因此,如果過(guò)去30年財(cái)富集中度根本沒(méi)有上升的話,等于給這位經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家的中心理論潑上了一盆冷水。

????皮凱蒂和蓋斯的很多分歧源于對(duì)不完全數(shù)據(jù)的闡釋。皮凱蒂的書有很多地方都給人們留下了深刻印象,其中之一就是皮凱蒂不厭其煩地搜羅、分析各個(gè)國(guó)家、各個(gè)時(shí)期多年的財(cái)富數(shù)據(jù)。由于財(cái)富數(shù)據(jù)不像其他統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)那樣豐富和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化,圍繞“這些數(shù)據(jù)究竟意味著什么”存在分歧也毫不奇怪。

????但如果大家退后一步,看看所有這些證據(jù):從可靠度較高的收入不平等數(shù)據(jù),到停滯的中值工資增長(zhǎng)率,美國(guó)缺乏經(jīng)濟(jì)流動(dòng)性,再到富人和窮人所獲教育質(zhì)量的天壤之別。有一點(diǎn)很清楚,現(xiàn)代資本主義并不能提供一個(gè)公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的舞臺(tái),我們應(yīng)該推動(dòng)文化和公共政策變化,讓經(jīng)濟(jì)能更好地服務(wù)于每個(gè)人。

????不過(guò),美國(guó)人并沒(méi)有特別被這些不平等討論所左右。皮凱蒂的書中有一點(diǎn)非常清楚,資本主義經(jīng)濟(jì)往往是一個(gè)高度不平等的社會(huì),即使是在收入不平等處于最低水平的二戰(zhàn)后也是如此。直到近年來(lái),美國(guó)人才開始不滿財(cái)富和收入的分配:過(guò)去整整一代人,普通家庭沒(méi)有變得更富裕(房地產(chǎn)泡沫沖擊最嚴(yán)重的是那些依賴房?jī)r(jià)上漲來(lái)彌補(bǔ)收入的家庭)。

????The only thing more fallacious than damn lies are statistics, or so the saying goes.

????This notion was on full display this weekend, after Financial Times economics editor Chris Gilespublished a blog post calling into question data used by economist Thomas Piketty in his best-selling work Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Giles' analysis found several mistakes in Piketty's data, mistakes which put to doubt whether there has been an observable increase in wealth inequality in Europe and the United States over the past 30 years.

????Piketty's book asserts that the concentration of wealth in capitalist societies naturally grows more extreme, especially in times of low population and economic growth, so the possibility that wealth concentration hasn't really increased in the past 30 years does throw some cold water on the economist's overarching theory.

????Many of Piketty and Giles' disagreements come down to interpretation of incomplete data. One of the parts of the book that impressed economists so much was Piketty's painstaking assemblage and exploitation of years of wealth data across countries and time periods. It is not surprising, given the fact that wealth data is much less plentiful and uniform than other statistics, that there would be disagreements over what exactly these data say.

????But when you take a step back and look at all the evidence, from much more reliable data on income inequality, to stagnant median wage growth, to a lack of economic mobility in America, to evidence of huge discrepancies in the quality of education offered to the rich and poor, it's quite clear that modern capitalism is failing to offer a level playing field and that there are cultural and public policy changes we could work toward to make the economy better at providing for everyone.

????After all, Americans have not been particularly swayed by arguments concerning inequality. If anything is clear from reading Piketty's book, it's that capitalist economies tend to be deeply unequal societies, even following World War II, when income inequality was at its lowest levels. But only in recent years, after it became clear that the average family hasn't gotten richer over the past generation (and that the housing bubble hit hardest those families leaning on rising home prices to compensate for this fact) that Americans started to grow dissatisfied with the distribution of wealth and income.

????上圖為2001年至2014年期間蓋洛普針對(duì)美國(guó)人“勤勞致富”現(xiàn)狀滿意度的調(diào)查,淺綠色曲線代表滿意,深綠色曲線代表不滿意。圖片來(lái)源:蓋洛普

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