歐洲可能正在準(zhǔn)備出臺一系列涉及反壟斷和非法內(nèi)容的新法律,以打擊大型高科技公司。不過,作為歐洲最具影響力的國家,德國和法國卻不會靜觀其變。
1月19日,德國的競爭監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)聯(lián)邦卡特爾局(Bundeskartellamt)獲得了權(quán)力,可以限制“凌駕于市場重要性之上”的科技公司的活動。例如,處于支配地位的電商巨頭,自營商品的優(yōu)先級不得高于平臺上第三方賣家出售的產(chǎn)品;也不允許向競爭對手隱瞞某些數(shù)據(jù)而從中作梗。
這類濫用市場支配地位的行為在德國為非法,在歐洲其他地區(qū)也如此。最重要的區(qū)別在于:現(xiàn)在,德國聯(lián)邦卡特爾局能夠在濫用發(fā)生之前強(qiáng)制實(shí)行限制條例,而無需等待濫用既成事實(shí)。即使一家公司尚未在市場上占據(jù)支配地位(通常是反壟斷監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)關(guān)注的信號)、但可能很快就可以獲得主導(dǎo)地位,聯(lián)邦卡特爾局對此也能夠進(jìn)行干預(yù)。
兩周前,德國議會批準(zhǔn)了德國反壟斷法修正案,宣布了以上變更。
跟上步伐
發(fā)布修正案的目的,是使監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)可以跟上科技領(lǐng)域快速發(fā)展的步伐;科技公司往往能夠很快獲得巨大的影響力。為了達(dá)成目的,修正案也加速了涉及科技巨頭反壟斷案的法律進(jìn)程:如果一家科技巨頭希望對卡特爾局的判決提出上訴,案件會直達(dá)德國聯(lián)邦最高法院(Germany’s Federal Court of Justice);不像絕大多數(shù)反壟斷案的常見程序那樣,先通過杜塞爾多夫高等地區(qū)法院(Düsseldorf High Regional Court)處理。
“德國的立法機(jī)構(gòu)在這方面是國際先驅(qū)。”卡特爾局的局長安德烈亞斯?蒙特在1月19日的一項(xiàng)聲明中稱?!邦愃频姆梢舱跉W盟層面上討論,但立法程序仍然處于初級階段。”
其實(shí),去年12月中旬,歐盟委員會(European Commission)就公布了期待已久的《數(shù)字市場法案》(Digital Markets Act)提案,內(nèi)容與最新發(fā)布的德國反壟斷法修正案大同小異。
歐盟委員會已經(jīng)正式指控亞馬遜(Amazon)利用賣家數(shù)據(jù)實(shí)現(xiàn)不正當(dāng)競爭,也提出了《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》(Digital Services Act),以迫使Facebook和推特(Twitter)等巨頭提高打擊虛假信息和非法內(nèi)容的透明度。
然而,歐盟立法程序過于緩慢。歐盟委員會已經(jīng)制定了提案,提案必須送往歐洲議會(European Parliament)和歐洲理事會(代表歐盟成員國)修正和磋商。即使各方就最終版本達(dá)成一致,新法律開始生效之前,可能還需要一段時間。通常,整個立法程序至少需要幾年;如果游說太多的話,會拖更久:這兩項(xiàng)法案可能就屬于耗時過長的情況。
仇恨言論
德國在反壟斷領(lǐng)域搶先行動的同時,法國也針對虛假信息和仇恨言論修正了法案。
兩周前,法國政府修正了旨在對抗伊斯蘭極端主義的“共和國原則”法案,把大型在線平臺的內(nèi)容審核義務(wù)納入在內(nèi)。修正案與歐盟委員會發(fā)布的歐盟范圍內(nèi)適用的《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》提案極其相似,要求大型高科技公司在披露如何打擊平臺上非法種族歧視和恐同行為時,保持透明度。
法國數(shù)字經(jīng)濟(jì)部部長德里克?奧發(fā)推特稱,此舉“預(yù)料到了”歐盟《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》的正式實(shí)施。按照計(jì)劃,修正案將于2023年年底失效,屆時《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》可能已經(jīng)生效。
在預(yù)計(jì)#DSA(《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》)正式實(shí)施的情況下,@gouvernementFR(法國政府)提交了PJL #PrincipesRepublicains(共和國原則)修正案,引入了社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)的審核要求,繼續(xù)打擊網(wǎng)絡(luò)仇恨。
—— 德里克?奧(@cedric_o),2021年1月16日
法國也不是第一次這么干了。早在修正案推出之前,法國已經(jīng)制定方案打擊大型高科技公司,而不是等待歐盟頒布法律。法國堅(jiān)持推行新型稅種營收稅,影響到了蘋果(Apple)和亞馬遜等巨頭,也導(dǎo)致了與美國的嚴(yán)重外交沖突。為了報復(fù),特朗普政府最近對法國商品征收了高額關(guān)稅,但兩周前暫停了這項(xiàng)行動。
操之過急
不過一部分人并不認(rèn)可德國和法國的策略。
一名歐盟官員在接受的采訪時稱,如果法國正在把歐盟委員會的數(shù)字服務(wù)提議整合到國家法律中,期待歐盟范圍內(nèi)適用的最終法律不會偏離該法律,“那么他們就搞錯了……這只會增加歐洲理事會層面上的討論難度?!?/p>
與此同時,美國信息技術(shù)與創(chuàng)新基金會(Information Technology and Innovation Foundation)批判性地回應(yīng)了德國的反壟斷修正案;作為支持大型高科技公司的可靠智庫,該基金會的贊助方包括亞馬遜、Facebook和谷歌(Google)。
“遺憾的是,該法案忽視了以協(xié)調(diào)一致的方式正式通過歐盟法規(guī)的必要性,也忽視了解決歐洲創(chuàng)新缺口問題的需要?!泵绹畔⒓夹g(shù)與創(chuàng)新基金會的高級政策分析師克里斯多夫?卡魯加蒂在1月14日發(fā)布的聲明中抱怨道。
“德國修正案的風(fēng)險在于,一旦2022年年初這些[歐盟]法案正式通過,修正案很快就會過時了;此外,修正案還對歐盟委員會監(jiān)管數(shù)字市場造成了相當(dāng)大的政治壓力,要求站在德國的角度監(jiān)管,而不考慮其他國家的觀點(diǎn)?!保ㄘ?cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:夏晴
歐洲可能正在準(zhǔn)備出臺一系列涉及反壟斷和非法內(nèi)容的新法律,以打擊大型高科技公司。不過,作為歐洲最具影響力的國家,德國和法國卻不會靜觀其變。
1月19日,德國的競爭監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)聯(lián)邦卡特爾局(Bundeskartellamt)獲得了權(quán)力,可以限制“凌駕于市場重要性之上”的科技公司的活動。例如,處于支配地位的電商巨頭,自營商品的優(yōu)先級不得高于平臺上第三方賣家出售的產(chǎn)品;也不允許向競爭對手隱瞞某些數(shù)據(jù)而從中作梗。
這類濫用市場支配地位的行為在德國為非法,在歐洲其他地區(qū)也如此。最重要的區(qū)別在于:現(xiàn)在,德國聯(lián)邦卡特爾局能夠在濫用發(fā)生之前強(qiáng)制實(shí)行限制條例,而無需等待濫用既成事實(shí)。即使一家公司尚未在市場上占據(jù)支配地位(通常是反壟斷監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)關(guān)注的信號)、但可能很快就可以獲得主導(dǎo)地位,聯(lián)邦卡特爾局對此也能夠進(jìn)行干預(yù)。
兩周前,德國議會批準(zhǔn)了德國反壟斷法修正案,宣布了以上變更。
跟上步伐
發(fā)布修正案的目的,是使監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)可以跟上科技領(lǐng)域快速發(fā)展的步伐;科技公司往往能夠很快獲得巨大的影響力。為了達(dá)成目的,修正案也加速了涉及科技巨頭反壟斷案的法律進(jìn)程:如果一家科技巨頭希望對卡特爾局的判決提出上訴,案件會直達(dá)德國聯(lián)邦最高法院(Germany’s Federal Court of Justice);不像絕大多數(shù)反壟斷案的常見程序那樣,先通過杜塞爾多夫高等地區(qū)法院(Düsseldorf High Regional Court)處理。
“德國的立法機(jī)構(gòu)在這方面是國際先驅(qū)?!笨ㄌ貭柧值木珠L安德烈亞斯?蒙特在1月19日的一項(xiàng)聲明中稱?!邦愃频姆梢舱跉W盟層面上討論,但立法程序仍然處于初級階段。”
其實(shí),去年12月中旬,歐盟委員會(European Commission)就公布了期待已久的《數(shù)字市場法案》(Digital Markets Act)提案,內(nèi)容與最新發(fā)布的德國反壟斷法修正案大同小異。
歐盟委員會已經(jīng)正式指控亞馬遜(Amazon)利用賣家數(shù)據(jù)實(shí)現(xiàn)不正當(dāng)競爭,也提出了《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》(Digital Services Act),以迫使Facebook和推特(Twitter)等巨頭提高打擊虛假信息和非法內(nèi)容的透明度。
然而,歐盟立法程序過于緩慢。歐盟委員會已經(jīng)制定了提案,提案必須送往歐洲議會(European Parliament)和歐洲理事會(代表歐盟成員國)修正和磋商。即使各方就最終版本達(dá)成一致,新法律開始生效之前,可能還需要一段時間。通常,整個立法程序至少需要幾年;如果游說太多的話,會拖更久:這兩項(xiàng)法案可能就屬于耗時過長的情況。
仇恨言論
德國在反壟斷領(lǐng)域搶先行動的同時,法國也針對虛假信息和仇恨言論修正了法案。
兩周前,法國政府修正了旨在對抗伊斯蘭極端主義的“共和國原則”法案,把大型在線平臺的內(nèi)容審核義務(wù)納入在內(nèi)。修正案與歐盟委員會發(fā)布的歐盟范圍內(nèi)適用的《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》提案極其相似,要求大型高科技公司在披露如何打擊平臺上非法種族歧視和恐同行為時,保持透明度。
法國數(shù)字經(jīng)濟(jì)部部長德里克?奧發(fā)推特稱,此舉“預(yù)料到了”歐盟《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》的正式實(shí)施。按照計(jì)劃,修正案將于2023年年底失效,屆時《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》可能已經(jīng)生效。
在預(yù)計(jì)#DSA(《數(shù)字服務(wù)法案》)正式實(shí)施的情況下,@gouvernementFR(法國政府)提交了PJL #PrincipesRepublicains(共和國原則)修正案,引入了社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)的審核要求,繼續(xù)打擊網(wǎng)絡(luò)仇恨。
—— 德里克?奧(@cedric_o),2021年1月16日
法國也不是第一次這么干了。早在修正案推出之前,法國已經(jīng)制定方案打擊大型高科技公司,而不是等待歐盟頒布法律。法國堅(jiān)持推行新型稅種營收稅,影響到了蘋果(Apple)和亞馬遜等巨頭,也導(dǎo)致了與美國的嚴(yán)重外交沖突。為了報復(fù),特朗普政府最近對法國商品征收了高額關(guān)稅,但兩周前暫停了這項(xiàng)行動。
操之過急
不過一部分人并不認(rèn)可德國和法國的策略。
一名歐盟官員在接受的采訪時稱,如果法國正在把歐盟委員會的數(shù)字服務(wù)提議整合到國家法律中,期待歐盟范圍內(nèi)適用的最終法律不會偏離該法律,“那么他們就搞錯了……這只會增加歐洲理事會層面上的討論難度。”
與此同時,美國信息技術(shù)與創(chuàng)新基金會(Information Technology and Innovation Foundation)批判性地回應(yīng)了德國的反壟斷修正案;作為支持大型高科技公司的可靠智庫,該基金會的贊助方包括亞馬遜、Facebook和谷歌(Google)。
“遺憾的是,該法案忽視了以協(xié)調(diào)一致的方式正式通過歐盟法規(guī)的必要性,也忽視了解決歐洲創(chuàng)新缺口問題的需要?!泵绹畔⒓夹g(shù)與創(chuàng)新基金會的高級政策分析師克里斯多夫?卡魯加蒂在1月14日發(fā)布的聲明中抱怨道。
“德國修正案的風(fēng)險在于,一旦2022年年初這些[歐盟]法案正式通過,修正案很快就會過時了;此外,修正案還對歐盟委員會監(jiān)管數(shù)字市場造成了相當(dāng)大的政治壓力,要求站在德國的角度監(jiān)管,而不考慮其他國家的觀點(diǎn)?!保ㄘ?cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:夏晴
Europe may be gearing up to crack down on Big Tech with a set of new laws covering antitrust and illegal content, but its most influential countries—Germany and France—aren't hanging around to see how that works out.
On January 19, Germany's competition regulator—the Bundeskartellamt, or Federal Cartel Office—gained the ability to restrict the activities of tech firms that are of "overriding importance across markets." For example, a dominant e-commerce giant won't be allowed to favor its own products over those sold by third-party merchants over its platform, or to stymie its competitors by withholding certain data from them.
This sort of market abuse was already illegal in Germany, as it is elsewhere in Europe—the crucial difference is that the German watchdog can now impose restrictions before the abuse takes place, rather than having to wait until after the fact. It can even intervene in cases where a company is not yet dominant in its market (the usual signal for antitrust regulators to pay attention) but is likely to become dominant soon.
The change was heralded at two weeks ago, when the German parliament approved an amendment to the country's antitrust law.
Keeping pace
The aim is to make it possible for regulators to keep up with the rapid pace of the tech world, where companies can gain tremendous power very quickly. In line with that goal, the amendment also speeds up the legal process for antitrust cases involving tech giants—when such a company wants to appeal against a Cartel Office decision, the case will go straight to Germany's Federal Court of Justice, rather than first going through the Düsseldorf High Regional Court as is customary with most antitrust cases.
"The German legislator is an international pioneer here," said Cartel Office president Andreas Mundt in a January 19 statement. "Similar instruments are also being discussed at the European level, but the legislative process there is still at the very beginning."
Indeed, in mid-December the European Commission unveiled a long-awaited proposal called the Digital Markets Act, which covers much the same ground as the new German law.
The Commission, which has already formally accused Amazon of using merchants' data to unfairly compete with them, also proposed a Digital Services Act that would force the likes of Facebook and Twitter to be more transparent about their fight against disinformation and illegal content.
However, the European legislative process is a slow one. Now that the Commission has made its proposals, they will have to go to the European Parliament and the Council (representing EU countries) for amendment and negotiation. Then, once everyone has agreed on a final version, it will probably take some time before the new laws come into force. The whole process typically takes a couple years at least—and longer if a lot of lobbying is going on, which is likely to be the case here.
Hate speech
While Germany is jumping the gun on the antitrust front, France is doing the same regarding disinformation and hate speech.
Two weeks ago, the French government amended a bill on "republican principles"—which is mostly about combating Islamist extremism—to include content-moderation obligations for large online platforms. The amendment is extremely similar to the Commission's proposal for an EU-wide law, requiring Big Tech firms to be transparent about how they are fighting illegal racism and homophobia on their platforms.
Cédric O, France's digital economy chief, said in a tweet that the move was "in anticipation of" the EU Digital Services Act. The plan is to have the amendment expire at the end of 2023, by which time the DSA would supposedly be in place.
Le @gouvernementFR a d??pos?? un amendement au PJL #PrincipesRepublicains introduisant des obligations de mod??rations aux r??seaux sociaux, par anticipation du #DSA. Continuons le combat contre la haine en ligne
— C??dric O (@cedric_o) January 16, 2021
This is hardly the first time France has decided it can't wait for the EU to crack down on Big Tech. Its insistence on pushing forward with new revenue taxes, affecting the likes of Apple and Amazon, has caused a major diplomatic clash with the U.S.—the Trump administration very nearly imposed massive tariffs on French goods in retaliation, but suspended that action at two weeks ago.
Jumping the gun
Germany and France's tactics are not going down well in some quarters.
One EU official told Politico Europe that, if the French are incorporating the Commission's digital-services proposal into their national law so that the eventual EU-wide law doesn't end up deviating from it, "then they are mistaken…It merely will make discussion at the Council level more difficult."
Meanwhile, the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF)—a reliably pro-Big-Tech think tank that counts Amazon, Facebook and Google among its backers—reacted critically to the German antitrust shift.
"Unfortunately, this initiative ignores both the need for European-wide regulations adopted in a concerted manner and the need to address Europe’s innovation gap," grumbled ITIF senior policy analyst Christophe Carugati in a January 14 statement.
"The initiative not only runs the risks of soon becoming obsolete once these [EU] acts are adopted in early 2022, but it also constitutes a considerable political pressure on the Commission to regulate digital markets in a way consistent with the German perspective, irrespective of other national viewpoints."