在擔(dān)任計劃生育協(xié)會(Planned Parenthood)首席執(zhí)行官之前,亞歷克西斯·麥吉爾·約翰遜(Alexis McGill Johnson)是Perception Institute的聯(lián)合創(chuàng)始人,該組織就偏見和歧視問題為高管和其他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人提供咨詢。如今,這一背景對她很有助益。自從5月份最高法院推翻“羅伊訴韋德案”的裁決草案泄露以來,她的電話就一直響個不停。首席執(zhí)行官們陷入兩難境地,他們不僅面臨著憲法對墮胎權(quán)利保護(hù)的終結(jié),而且越來越多的人期望他們對此有所作為,因此,首席執(zhí)行官們都在尋求她的建議。
她說:"在這方面,企業(yè)有戰(zhàn)略需要。”這個當(dāng)務(wù)之急是什么?那就是采取行動。雖然企業(yè)可能曾經(jīng)認(rèn)為這個問題不在他們的職權(quán)范圍內(nèi),但正如財政部長珍妮特·耶倫(Janet Yellen)最近對參議院委員會所說,“羅伊訴韋德案”的終結(jié)將產(chǎn)生深遠(yuǎn)的財務(wù)影響。根據(jù)女性政策研究所(Institute for Women’s Policy Research)的一份報告,2021年州級墮胎限制已經(jīng)使美國經(jīng)濟每年因女性收入水平下降、工作調(diào)動和缺勤而損失1050億美元。在最高法院推翻“羅伊訴韋德案”后,有26個州被認(rèn)為確定或可能有效禁止墮胎。
失去墮胎的機會可能會同時產(chǎn)生微觀和宏觀的經(jīng)濟影響。預(yù)計部分女性會離開勞動力市場。公司可能難以在墮胎沙漠地區(qū)(即人們必須行駛100英里或更遠(yuǎn)才能到達(dá)有墮胎設(shè)施的城市)招聘員工。根據(jù)生殖權(quán)利和性別平等組織Tara Health Foundation和研究公司PerryUndem的調(diào)查,63%的美國人不會在最近禁止墮胎的州申請工作。麥吉爾·約翰遜說,她已經(jīng)收到一位首席執(zhí)行官的消息,他已經(jīng)放慢了在某州設(shè)立新辦事處的時間表,因為該州可能在最高法院裁決后嚴(yán)格限制墮胎。
她說,這個問題影響到各個層次的員工,包括低薪工人——通常是被迫驅(qū)車數(shù)小時到州外就醫(yī)的黑人和棕色人種女性——以及處于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)崗位的女性。麥吉爾·約翰遜問道:"如果你不相信我對自己的身體做出的決定,你會讓我去見客戶嗎?當(dāng)你不允許我對自己的身體有完全的自主權(quán)時,你就是在隱晦地告訴我,你認(rèn)為我在其他方面是存在不足的。"
到目前為止,少數(shù)雇主已經(jīng)承認(rèn)有必要參與進(jìn)來。少數(shù)總部位于德克薩斯州的公司,如以女性為主導(dǎo)的約會應(yīng)用程序企業(yè)Match Group和Bumble,是在9月德克薩斯州實施了為期六周的墮胎禁令后,首批提出為必須去州外墮胎的員工提供旅行資助的公司之一。自最高法院推翻“羅伊訴韋德案”的裁決草案泄露以來,更多的公司加入了他們的行列,包括亞馬遜公司(Amazon)、蘋果公司(Apple)、微軟公司(Microsoft)和星巴克公司(Starbucks)。
一項標(biāo)準(zhǔn)似乎正在形成:為尋求生殖護(hù)理的員工支付超過100英里的旅行費用,并確保醫(yī)療保健計劃繼續(xù)涵蓋墮胎。但這些政策并不是良方。一些保守的立法者試圖將任何幫助孕婦 “違反"國家墮胎禁令的行為定為犯罪。雖然這些努力是否可以強制執(zhí)行還有待觀察,但對雇主來說,這是一個棘手的時刻。哥倫比亞大學(xué)性別和性行為法律中心主任凱瑟琳·弗蘭克 (Katherine Franke) 說:"如果我是這些公司的法律總顧問,我行事會相當(dāng)謹(jǐn)慎?!?/p>
這些政策還引發(fā)了員工的隱私問題。麥吉爾·約翰遜說:"我們要求人們把本應(yīng)屬于他們和他們的服務(wù)提供者之間的個人隱私?jīng)Q定帶到工作場所。Yelp公司也同意為員工支付旅行費用,它正在通過其醫(yī)療保健計劃來實現(xiàn)這項福利,這樣公司就不會知道誰在享受這項福利。這種做法有一個弊端:任何沒有資格享受公司醫(yī)療保健待遇的兼職、合同工和小時工都不能享受這項福利——這個問題也在亞馬遜公司出現(xiàn)過。
1050 億美元
2021年因墮胎限制而導(dǎo)致的收入損失、營業(yè)額和缺勤的估計成本為1050 億美元。資料來源:女性政策研究所(IWPR)
除了關(guān)注自己公司的政策外,麥吉爾·約翰遜還敦促首席執(zhí)行官們將他們的經(jīng)濟影響力施加到影響墮胎法的政客和組織身上。她說,各大公司應(yīng)該問問自己,"他們的財政捐款去了哪里?他們正在做什么來影響他們的商會?這在很大程度上是一個地方問題。一家公司的價值在州本地乃至全國范圍內(nèi)處于什么位置?" 當(dāng)然,涉足政治領(lǐng)域也是有風(fēng)險的。問問迪斯尼公司(Disney)就知道了,該公司在反對佛羅里達(dá)州的“不要說同性戀”法案后,最近失去了在該州的特殊稅收資格。
在麥吉爾·約翰遜回答其他首席執(zhí)行官的問題時,她也在為自己組織的未來制定戰(zhàn)略。雖然 她不喜歡說墮胎只是計劃生育協(xié)會提供服務(wù)的一小部分——她認(rèn)為這樣做是在污名化——從純粹的商業(yè)角度來看,長期以來一直如此。墮胎占計劃生育協(xié)會提供服務(wù)的4%。該組織及其為240萬人提供服務(wù)的49個附屬機構(gòu)正在將更多資源轉(zhuǎn)移到包括節(jié)育、性傳播感染檢測和乳腺癌篩查在內(nèi)的服務(wù)上。它還在那些可能保護(hù)墮胎權(quán)的州增加業(yè)務(wù),因此可能會為來自該國其他地區(qū)的患者涌入做好準(zhǔn)備。與此同時,計劃生育協(xié)會與合作伙伴正在建立麥吉爾·約翰遜所說的“墮胎護(hù)理獨木舟(Kayak of abortion care)”網(wǎng)站,該網(wǎng)站將幫助患者了解法規(guī),并找到可預(yù)約時間和地點。
帶領(lǐng)大家度過這樣的時刻是很艱難的。男性在高管層中占主導(dǎo)地位,許多人不愿意參與進(jìn)來——或者還不明白為什么這樣做與他們的業(yè)務(wù)相關(guān)。女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人正在承擔(dān)這一重任;麥吉爾·約翰遜在計劃生育協(xié)會看到了同樣的情況,該協(xié)會對員工的情感要求很高。
但企業(yè)仍有時間做更多的工作。麥吉爾·約翰遜說:“說‘我將在這個問題上保持中立’已不再被接受?!保ㄘ敻恢形木W(wǎng))
譯者:中慧言-王芳
在擔(dān)任計劃生育協(xié)會(Planned Parenthood)首席執(zhí)行官之前,亞歷克西斯·麥吉爾·約翰遜(Alexis McGill Johnson)是Perception Institute的聯(lián)合創(chuàng)始人,該組織就偏見和歧視問題為高管和其他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人提供咨詢。如今,這一背景對她很有助益。自從5月份最高法院推翻“羅伊訴韋德案”的裁決草案泄露以來,她的電話就一直響個不停。首席執(zhí)行官們陷入兩難境地,他們不僅面臨著憲法對墮胎權(quán)利保護(hù)的終結(jié),而且越來越多的人期望他們對此有所作為,因此,首席執(zhí)行官們都在尋求她的建議。
她說:"在這方面,企業(yè)有戰(zhàn)略需要?!边@個當(dāng)務(wù)之急是什么?那就是采取行動。雖然企業(yè)可能曾經(jīng)認(rèn)為這個問題不在他們的職權(quán)范圍內(nèi),但正如財政部長珍妮特·耶倫(Janet Yellen)最近對參議院委員會所說,“羅伊訴韋德案”的終結(jié)將產(chǎn)生深遠(yuǎn)的財務(wù)影響。根據(jù)女性政策研究所(Institute for Women’s Policy Research)的一份報告,2021年州級墮胎限制已經(jīng)使美國經(jīng)濟每年因女性收入水平下降、工作調(diào)動和缺勤而損失1050億美元。在最高法院推翻“羅伊訴韋德案”后,有26個州被認(rèn)為確定或可能有效禁止墮胎。
失去墮胎的機會可能會同時產(chǎn)生微觀和宏觀的經(jīng)濟影響。預(yù)計部分女性會離開勞動力市場。公司可能難以在墮胎沙漠地區(qū)(即人們必須行駛100英里或更遠(yuǎn)才能到達(dá)有墮胎設(shè)施的城市)招聘員工。根據(jù)生殖權(quán)利和性別平等組織Tara Health Foundation和研究公司PerryUndem的調(diào)查,63%的美國人不會在最近禁止墮胎的州申請工作。麥吉爾·約翰遜說,她已經(jīng)收到一位首席執(zhí)行官的消息,他已經(jīng)放慢了在某州設(shè)立新辦事處的時間表,因為該州可能在最高法院裁決后嚴(yán)格限制墮胎。
她說,這個問題影響到各個層次的員工,包括低薪工人——通常是被迫驅(qū)車數(shù)小時到州外就醫(yī)的黑人和棕色人種女性——以及處于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)崗位的女性。麥吉爾·約翰遜問道:"如果你不相信我對自己的身體做出的決定,你會讓我去見客戶嗎?當(dāng)你不允許我對自己的身體有完全的自主權(quán)時,你就是在隱晦地告訴我,你認(rèn)為我在其他方面是存在不足的。"
到目前為止,少數(shù)雇主已經(jīng)承認(rèn)有必要參與進(jìn)來。少數(shù)總部位于德克薩斯州的公司,如以女性為主導(dǎo)的約會應(yīng)用程序企業(yè)Match Group和Bumble,是在9月德克薩斯州實施了為期六周的墮胎禁令后,首批提出為必須去州外墮胎的員工提供旅行資助的公司之一。自最高法院推翻“羅伊訴韋德案”的裁決草案泄露以來,更多的公司加入了他們的行列,包括亞馬遜公司(Amazon)、蘋果公司(Apple)、微軟公司(Microsoft)和星巴克公司(Starbucks)。
一項標(biāo)準(zhǔn)似乎正在形成:為尋求生殖護(hù)理的員工支付超過100英里的旅行費用,并確保醫(yī)療保健計劃繼續(xù)涵蓋墮胎。但這些政策并不是良方。一些保守的立法者試圖將任何幫助孕婦 “違反"國家墮胎禁令的行為定為犯罪。雖然這些努力是否可以強制執(zhí)行還有待觀察,但對雇主來說,這是一個棘手的時刻。哥倫比亞大學(xué)性別和性行為法律中心主任凱瑟琳·弗蘭克 (Katherine Franke) 說:"如果我是這些公司的法律總顧問,我行事會相當(dāng)謹(jǐn)慎?!?/p>
這些政策還引發(fā)了員工的隱私問題。麥吉爾·約翰遜說:"我們要求人們把本應(yīng)屬于他們和他們的服務(wù)提供者之間的個人隱私?jīng)Q定帶到工作場所。Yelp公司也同意為員工支付旅行費用,它正在通過其醫(yī)療保健計劃來實現(xiàn)這項福利,這樣公司就不會知道誰在享受這項福利。這種做法有一個弊端:任何沒有資格享受公司醫(yī)療保健待遇的兼職、合同工和小時工都不能享受這項福利——這個問題也在亞馬遜公司出現(xiàn)過。
1050 億美元
2021年因墮胎限制而導(dǎo)致的收入損失、營業(yè)額和缺勤的估計成本為1050 億美元。資料來源:女性政策研究所(IWPR)
除了關(guān)注自己公司的政策外,麥吉爾·約翰遜還敦促首席執(zhí)行官們將他們的經(jīng)濟影響力施加到影響墮胎法的政客和組織身上。她說,各大公司應(yīng)該問問自己,"他們的財政捐款去了哪里?他們正在做什么來影響他們的商會?這在很大程度上是一個地方問題。一家公司的價值在州本地乃至全國范圍內(nèi)處于什么位置?" 當(dāng)然,涉足政治領(lǐng)域也是有風(fēng)險的。問問迪斯尼公司(Disney)就知道了,該公司在反對佛羅里達(dá)州的“不要說同性戀”法案后,最近失去了在該州的特殊稅收資格。
在麥吉爾·約翰遜回答其他首席執(zhí)行官的問題時,她也在為自己組織的未來制定戰(zhàn)略。雖然 她不喜歡說墮胎只是計劃生育協(xié)會提供服務(wù)的一小部分——她認(rèn)為這樣做是在污名化——從純粹的商業(yè)角度來看,長期以來一直如此。墮胎占計劃生育協(xié)會提供服務(wù)的4%。該組織及其為240萬人提供服務(wù)的49個附屬機構(gòu)正在將更多資源轉(zhuǎn)移到包括節(jié)育、性傳播感染檢測和乳腺癌篩查在內(nèi)的服務(wù)上。它還在那些可能保護(hù)墮胎權(quán)的州增加業(yè)務(wù),因此可能會為來自該國其他地區(qū)的患者涌入做好準(zhǔn)備。與此同時,計劃生育協(xié)會與合作伙伴正在建立麥吉爾·約翰遜所說的“墮胎護(hù)理獨木舟(Kayak of abortion care)”網(wǎng)站,該網(wǎng)站將幫助患者了解法規(guī),并找到可預(yù)約時間和地點。
帶領(lǐng)大家度過這樣的時刻是很艱難的。男性在高管層中占主導(dǎo)地位,許多人不愿意參與進(jìn)來——或者還不明白為什么這樣做與他們的業(yè)務(wù)相關(guān)。女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人正在承擔(dān)這一重任;麥吉爾·約翰遜在計劃生育協(xié)會看到了同樣的情況,該協(xié)會對員工的情感要求很高。
但企業(yè)仍有時間做更多的工作。麥吉爾·約翰遜說:“說‘我將在這個問題上保持中立’已不再被接受?!保ㄘ敻恢形木W(wǎng))
譯者:中慧言-王芳
Before Alexis McGill Johnson became the CEO of Planned Parenthood, she was the cofounder of Perception Institute, an organization that advises C-suite executives and other leaders on issues of bias and discrimination. It’s a background that’s serving her well today. Since the May leak of the Supreme Court draft decision overturning Roe v. Wade, her phone has been ringing nonstop. On the line: CEOs seeking her counsel as they face not only an end to the constitutional protection of abortion rights, but also the growing expectation that they do something about it.
“Businesses have a strategic imperative here,” she says. That imperative? Take action. While companies may have once considered the issue outside their purview, the end of Roe v. Wade will have profound financial consequences, as Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen recently told a Senate committee. Already, state-level abortion restrictions in 2021 cost the U.S. economy $105 billion a year in reduced earning levels and worker turnover and absences, according to a report by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research. After the fall of Roe, 26 states are considered certain or likely to effectively ban abortion.
Loss of access to abortion is likely to have both micro- and macroeconomic effects. Some share of women are expected to leave the labor force. Corporations may have difficulty hiring in abortion deserts. According to a survey by reproductive rights and gender equity organization Tara Health Foundation and research firm PerryUndem, 63% of Americans would not apply for a job in a state that recently banned abortion. McGill Johnson says she has already heard from one CEO who has slowed the timeline on a new set of offices in a state likely to severely restrict abortion after the SCOTUS decision.
This is an issue that affects employees at all levels, she says. That includes low-wage workers—often Black and brown women forced to drive hours out of state to access care—as well as women on the leadership track. “If you don’t trust me to make a decision about my own body, are you going to put me in front of a client?” McGill Johnson asks. “When you don’t allow me full autonomy over my own body, you’re implicitly telling me you think I’m unequal in other ways.”
A minority of employers have so far acknowledged the necessity of weighing in. A handful of Texas-based companies, such as women-led dating app businesses Match Group and Bumble, were among the first to offer to fund travel for employees who must go out of state to access abortion after the implementation of Texas’s six-week abortion ban in September. Since the Supreme Court leak, more have joined their ranks, including Amazon, Apple, Microsoft, and Starbucks.
A standard seems to be emerging: paying for travel over 100 miles for employees seeking reproductive care, and ensuring health care plans continue to cover abortion. But those policies aren’t a silver bullet. Some conservative lawmakers have attempted to criminalize any actions that help a pregnant person “violate” a state abortion ban. While it remains to be seen if such efforts will be enforceable, it’s a tricky moment for employers. “If I were the general counsel of these companies, I would tread quite carefully,” says Katherine Franke, director of the Center for Gender and Sexuality Law at Columbia University.
These policies also trigger employee privacy concerns. “We’re asking people to bring what should be a personal, private decision between them and their provider into the workplace,” says McGill Johnson. Yelp, which also agreed to cover travel costs for employees, is implementing the benefit through its health care plan so that the company won’t be in the loop on who is using it. That approach has a downside: Any part-time, contract, and hourly workers ineligible for company health care can’t access the benefit—an issue that has surfaced at Amazon.
$105 billion
2021 ESTIMATED COST OF LOST EARNINGS, TURNOVER, AND ABSENCES OWING TO ABORTION RESTRICTIONS. SOURCE: IWPR
In addition to tending to their own companies’ policies, McGill Johnson urges CEOs to bring their economic clout to bear on the politicians and organizations shaping abortion law. Companies should be asking themselves where “their financial contributions are going,” she says. “What are they doing to influence their chambers of commerce? This is very much a local issue. Where does the value of a company stand nationally, but also locally in state?” Of course, wading into political waters can also be risky. Just ask Disney, which recently lost its special tax status in Florida, after opposing the state’s “Don’t Say Gay” bill.
As McGill Johnson fields questions from other CEOs, she’s also strategizing about the future of her own organization. While the CEO doesn’t like to say that abortion is a small part of what Planned Parenthood does—doing so is stigmatizing, she argues—from a purely business perspective, that has long been the case; abortion accounts for 4% of the services provided by Planned Parenthood. The organization and its 49 affiliates serving 2.4 million people are shifting even more resources to services including birth control, STI testing, and breast cancer screenings. It’s also increasing operations in states that are likely to protect abortion rights, and may therefore be poised for an influx of patients from other parts of the country. At the same time, Planned Parenthood with partners is building what McGill Johnson calls the “Kayak of abortion care,” a website that will help patients understand regulations and find out when and where appointments are available.
Leading through this moment is difficult. Men dominate the C-suite, and many are uncomfortable weighing in—or don’t yet understand why doing so is relevant to their businesses. Women leaders are taking on that burden; McGill Johnson has seen as much at Planned Parenthood, where the emotional demands on her staff are high.
But there’s still time for companies to do more. Says McGill Johnson: “It’s no longer acceptable to say, ‘I’m going to stay neutral on this issue.’”?