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超級(jí)富豪正在影響中國(guó)決策

超級(jí)富豪正在影響中國(guó)決策

Stephan Richter 2016年03月10日
決策者敏銳地認(rèn)識(shí)到,這些優(yōu)秀公司和企業(yè)家們?cè)趪?guó)內(nèi)外的持續(xù)成功,是決定國(guó)家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層制定的經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型戰(zhàn)略能否成功的關(guān)鍵因素。

中國(guó)一年一度的兩會(huì)正在舉行,其中有一群人非常突出——在近3000名全國(guó)人大代表中,有114人登上過胡潤(rùn)中國(guó)富豪榜。在作為中國(guó)立法機(jī)關(guān)的全國(guó)人民代表大會(huì)中,中國(guó)富豪所占的比例接近4%。

不過,與以往不同,中國(guó)最成功并且人脈廣泛的私人企業(yè)家,參加全國(guó)人民代表大會(huì)并不是為了聲望或者炫耀,而是希望影響政府的決策,即參政議政。

這是一次重要的進(jìn)步,盡管政府改革的核心,依舊是強(qiáng)化國(guó)有企業(yè)發(fā)展,為國(guó)有企業(yè)提供獲得資本的優(yōu)先途徑,敦促國(guó)有企業(yè)進(jìn)行大規(guī)模合并。

但這些來自中國(guó)領(lǐng)先的服務(wù)與科技部門的私有公司意識(shí)到,他們的實(shí)力得到了大幅增強(qiáng)。他們清楚,他們才是中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型階段的主要增長(zhǎng)引擎,這令他們擁有了相當(dāng)大的影響力。

比如,IT公司騰訊的創(chuàng)始人馬化騰,據(jù)估計(jì)他的個(gè)人財(cái)富達(dá)到188億美元。在2015年全國(guó)人民代表大會(huì)之前,44歲的馬化騰寫了一封公開信,呼吁政府制定國(guó)家級(jí)戰(zhàn)略,推動(dòng)發(fā)展互聯(lián)網(wǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)。幾天后,國(guó)家總理李克強(qiáng)在政府工作報(bào)告中宣布啟動(dòng)“互聯(lián)網(wǎng)+”戰(zhàn)略。

內(nèi)部人士很快便猜測(cè)出這個(gè)術(shù)語出自何人之手。正是騰訊老板馬化騰。他根據(jù)公司研究機(jī)構(gòu)提出的理念,從2013年初便開始使用這種說法。雖然馬化騰并非黨員,但“互聯(lián)網(wǎng)+”理念的“首創(chuàng)者”這一身份是不可否認(rèn)的。當(dāng)然,他的公司在官方消息中否認(rèn)參與了政府的報(bào)告。

今年的全國(guó)人大將審議通過下一個(gè)五年規(guī)劃,其中可能會(huì)吸收來自馬云的私人智庫阿里研究院(Ali Research)提出的建議,即將大數(shù)據(jù)作為經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的重要來源。52歲的馬云在中國(guó)富豪排行榜中名列第二位,是互聯(lián)網(wǎng)公司阿里巴巴的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。與騰訊一樣,馬云在2007年成立了一家私人智庫,用于開發(fā)相關(guān)的政策建議。

兩家公司最初創(chuàng)建私人智庫的目的,主要是為了解決與互聯(lián)網(wǎng)治理相關(guān)的立法等問題,但它們的活動(dòng)也涉及更加廣泛的經(jīng)濟(jì)和行業(yè)政策等問題。其他企業(yè)家也不甘落后,紛紛學(xué)習(xí)“二馬”的作法。小米創(chuàng)始人、46歲的雷軍最近在呼吁政府修訂《公司法》。

而47歲的億萬富翁、網(wǎng)絡(luò)服務(wù)公司百度的CEO李彥宏,則向全國(guó)人民代表大會(huì)建議,創(chuàng)建一個(gè)用于人工智能研究的全國(guó)平臺(tái)。中國(guó)最大的私有企業(yè)集團(tuán)和投資公司復(fù)星國(guó)際,在今年的全國(guó)人民代表大會(huì)之前,提出了一項(xiàng)有關(guān)醫(yī)療保健的國(guó)家發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略。

到目前為止,中國(guó)的私人企業(yè)家尚未形成一個(gè)獨(dú)立的有組織的團(tuán)體,但他們的影響力正在日益擴(kuò)大。中國(guó)迫切需要他們的專業(yè)技術(shù)知識(shí),以及他們先進(jìn)的商業(yè)模式與策略。這令他們?cè)诿鎸?duì)中國(guó)決策者們時(shí),擁有了較大的影響力。

尤其值得一提的原因是,自習(xí)近平執(zhí)政以來,私人研究機(jī)構(gòu)的數(shù)量一直在持續(xù)增加。相比親政府的智庫,這些新研究機(jī)構(gòu)直接接觸決策者的機(jī)會(huì)更少,但他們的財(cái)力更加雄厚,在全球也有更為廣泛的人脈。

此外,習(xí)近平主席在出訪海外時(shí),越來越多地帶領(lǐng)優(yōu)秀企業(yè)家隨行,這也反映了企業(yè)家們?cè)谥袊?guó)政治領(lǐng)域與日俱增的影響力。這一做法,一方面是為了展示這些企業(yè)家(和中國(guó))取得的成功,同時(shí)也是為了給私人企業(yè)家提供更多全球發(fā)展機(jī)會(huì)。

決策者敏銳地認(rèn)識(shí)到,這些優(yōu)秀公司和企業(yè)家們?cè)趪?guó)內(nèi)外的持續(xù)成功,是決定國(guó)家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層制定的經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型戰(zhàn)略能否成功的關(guān)鍵因素。

對(duì)于政府提供給企業(yè)的全球擴(kuò)張方面的支持,許多IT界企業(yè)家也心存感激。顯然,政府提出的“中國(guó)夢(mèng)”包括鼓勵(lì)更多公司借鑒阿里巴巴的模式,在國(guó)際上取得成功。

但領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層與互聯(lián)網(wǎng)企業(yè)家們之間的蜜月期能夠持續(xù)多久呢?阿里巴巴創(chuàng)始人馬云給出了最好的解釋。他在2015年的達(dá)沃斯世界經(jīng)濟(jì)論壇上表示:“我們要愛政府,但不會(huì)嫁給它。”(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

潘宇舟為德國(guó)柏林墨卡托中國(guó)研究中心(Mercator Institute for China Studies,MERICS)中國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)政策項(xiàng)目負(fù)責(zé)人。石磊為墨卡托中國(guó)研究中心研究員。

譯者:劉進(jìn)龍/汪皓

At the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress that begins Saturday, one group clearly stands out – the 114 of the nearly 3,000 delegates of the National People’s Congress (NPC) that are on the Hurun list of richest Chinese. China’s richest people account for close to 4% of the members of the body that officially acts as China’s national legislature.

But in a departure from the past, China’s most successful — and obviously well connected — private entrepreneurs aren’t just there for the prestige or to show off. They want to influence policymaking.

This is an important development, even though the core focus in government reform policies clearly rests on strengthening increasingly feeble state owned enterprises, giving them preferred access to capital and urging them to undertake mega-mergers.

However, the privately owned companies operating in China’s advanced services and technology sectors realize that their hand has been strengthened greatly. They know that they are China’s main engines of growth in a period of economic transition, which gives them considerable power.

Consider the case of the founder of the IT company Tencent, Pony Ma, who has an estimated fortune of $18.8 billion. Ahead of last year’s annual meeting of the National People’s Congress, the 44-year-old wrote an open letter demanding a national strategy for China to advance the digitization of the economy. A few days later, Prime Minister Li Keqiang, as part of his report on the government’s plans and activities, announced the launch of an “Internet Plus” strategy.

Insiders immediately realized who had coined that term. It was none other than Pony Ma, who had started to use that phrase beginning in 2013, based on the concepts developed by his company’s own research institute. Even though Ma is not a member of the CPC, the “paternity” of the “Internet Plus” is undeniable. Officially, of course, his company denied any involvement in the government report.

When the National People’s Congress will pass the new five-year plan in the upcoming session, it will likely also feature the recommendations of Jack Ma’s private think tank, Ali Research, to promote Big Data as an important source of economic growth. Jack Ma, 52, is the second richest Chinese and head of the Internet company Alibaba. As is the case with Tencent, he established a private think tank, in 2007, to develop relevant policy recommendations.

While both of these think tanks were primarily established to deal with issues of Internet governance and legislation on issues of the Internet, their activities also much include broader matters of economic and industrial policy. Other entrepreneurs have been following in the two Mas footsteps. Lei Jun, the 46-year-old founder of Xiaomi, the successful smartphone maker, recently advocated for a revision of China’s Company Law.

Meanwhile, the 47-year-old multi-billionaire Robin Li turn, CEO of Baidu, the web services company, is suggesting the creation of a national platform for artificial intelligence research to the National People’s Congress. And Fosun, the largest privately owned conglomerate and investment company in China, presented a national development strategy for healthcare in advance of this year’s NPC session.

To date, Chinese private entrepreneurs are not an autonomously organized group. But they are nevertheless gaining considerable influence. Their technological know-how is very much in demand, as are their state-of-the-art business models and strategies. This provides them with a lot of clout vis-à-vis the policymakers in general. Not least for that reason, the number of private research institutes has continued to rise ever since Xi Jinping took office. Although these new outfits have less direct access to decision makers than pro-government think tanks, they are much better equipped financially and also better connected globally.

Reflecting the top entrepreneurs’ rise in the Chinese political landscape, President Xi Jinping increasingly takes them along on his trips abroad, both to showcase their (and hence China’s) success and to provide these private entrepreneurs with more global growth opportunities.

Xi is keenly aware that these top companies’ and entrepreneurs’ continued success at home and abroad will be a critical factor in determining whether or not the economic transformation strategy which the leadership has launched will succeed.

Many IT entrepreneurs also appreciate their government’s political support for global expansion. The “China Dream” evidently also includes more internationally successful company modeled after Alibaba.

How far will this process of mutual enchantment between the CPC leadership and the Internet entrepreneurs go? Alibaba founder Jack Ma probably put it best, when he said at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2015: “We want to enchant the government, but we don’t want to marry it.”

Matthias Stepan is head of Chinese Domestic Politics Program at the Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS) in Berlin, Germany. Lea Shih is a research associate at MERICS.

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