1944年10月,我的祖父威廉·B·本頓曾經(jīng)在《財(cái)富》雜志上振臂一呼。當(dāng)時(shí)他代表全國商界領(lǐng)袖組成的聯(lián)盟——經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展委員會(CED),呼吁為全體美國人而不僅僅是少數(shù)人創(chuàng)造更和平也更繁榮的未來。
當(dāng)時(shí),這樣的未來還很難想象。就在他撰文15年前,大蕭條攪亂了美國經(jīng)濟(jì),1933年的失業(yè)率幾乎達(dá)到25%。富蘭克林·羅斯福的新政重新推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長,但二戰(zhàn)才真正刺激了強(qiáng)勁復(fù)蘇。隨著戰(zhàn)爭即將結(jié)束,人們也開始為和平時(shí)期尋找道路?!肮餐婺茏屗腥讼硎苄腋?,高于任何私人團(tuán)體的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益?!北绢D寫道。
而經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展委員會的首要原則之一是促進(jìn)競爭。我祖父認(rèn)為,如果企業(yè)能夠?yàn)樯鐣峁┯杏玫姆?wù),就應(yīng)該允許企業(yè)發(fā)展,如此方能符合公共利益:“只要能確保企業(yè)規(guī)模增長后不會扼殺競爭,也不以其他方式濫用,大企業(yè)就可以為公共利益服務(wù)?!?/p>
我們認(rèn)為,美國有太多的人之所以境況不佳,就是因?yàn)闆]有寬帶網(wǎng)絡(luò),或者無力支付費(fèi)用,或者沒有使用該工具的技能。
究其原因?寬帶市場過于集中就是其中之一,這導(dǎo)致消費(fèi)者無法享受競爭的益處。美國近四分之三人口使用的寬帶由壟斷或雙寡頭提供,下載速度為每秒100兆,上傳速度為每秒10兆。據(jù)估計(jì),35%的人只能選擇一家寬帶供應(yīng)商;37%的人只有兩個(gè)選擇。如果沒有競爭,人們將受到高價(jià)低質(zhì)量服務(wù)以及創(chuàng)新缺乏的影響,而低收入者或農(nóng)村地區(qū)的人受影響更大?!度A爾街日報(bào)》去年發(fā)表的一份報(bào)告發(fā)現(xiàn),低收入地區(qū)和高收入地區(qū)的平均每月網(wǎng)費(fèi)接近(約66美元),但低收入地區(qū)的網(wǎng)速要慢40%。
與家庭收入低于平均水平的社區(qū)相比,富裕社區(qū)選擇兩家以上寬帶提供商的可能性要高出兩到三倍。由于競爭有限,美國人支付寬帶費(fèi)用達(dá)到經(jīng)合組織國家中的第二高,也不算奇怪。不過如果寬帶市場引入新競爭,好處還是很明顯的??八_斯州堪薩斯城、田納西州查塔努加、北卡羅來納州威爾遜和科羅拉多州朗蒙特都是證據(jù),可以證明如果私人或市政寬帶提供商加入競爭,就能夠刺激提供商降低價(jià)格并提高網(wǎng)速,但在周邊地區(qū)引入新競爭的效果并不明顯。
“缺乏競爭會扼殺自由市場?!蔽易娓?5年前就在《財(cái)富》雜志上寫道。“所謂壟斷行為……抹殺了低價(jià)銷售和提高質(zhì)量的必要性,導(dǎo)致自滿情緒。如此做法不應(yīng)該出現(xiàn)在為共同利益服務(wù)的自由企業(yè)制度中?!?/p>
政府能做些什么?目前美國19個(gè)州的法律限制本地社區(qū)增加寬帶部署,他們應(yīng)該重新修訂和廢除相關(guān)規(guī)定。
聯(lián)邦政府每年確實(shí)會向移動(dòng)和固定寬帶提供商支付數(shù)十億美元用于建設(shè)網(wǎng)絡(luò),但其中也存在陷阱。1月,聯(lián)邦通信委員會投票通過了204億美元的農(nóng)村數(shù)字機(jī)會基金,向?qū)拵峁┥虛芸钤谀壳皼]有服務(wù)或服務(wù)不達(dá)標(biāo)的地區(qū)鋪設(shè)寬帶網(wǎng)絡(luò),但該筆資金將并不能保證低收入者能負(fù)擔(dān)得起寬帶費(fèi)用。我們認(rèn)為,國會和聯(lián)邦通信委員會應(yīng)該提出要求,寬帶提供商應(yīng)該提供平價(jià)且高速的服務(wù),并以此作為撥款條件。例如,向符合條件的用戶提供任意使用每秒50兆上傳和下載速度的服務(wù),且每月費(fèi)用僅為10美元。
然而令人擔(dān)心的是,家庭寬帶的普及率并沒有提高。約73%的美國成年人在家里使用寬帶服務(wù),但過去三年比例保持穩(wěn)定。有太多人即便能使用寬帶服務(wù)卻沒有使用。由此看來,價(jià)格實(shí)惠至關(guān)重要。
當(dāng)前的挑戰(zhàn)不是改善美國部分人的生活質(zhì)量,而是要讓每個(gè)人不管住在哪里都能連接起來,增加網(wǎng)絡(luò)用戶的自主權(quán)。寬帶并不能解決美國的所有問題,但如果沒有寬帶,就很難應(yīng)對教育、醫(yī)療、農(nóng)業(yè)、氣候變化和經(jīng)濟(jì)等領(lǐng)域面臨的重大挑戰(zhàn)。
高速寬帶可以為美國所有人提供必需的工具,充分發(fā)揮人們的潛力并建設(shè)更強(qiáng)大的社區(qū),從而為共同利益服務(wù)。其重要性與美國民主的結(jié)構(gòu)密切交織,不可分離。
艾德里安·本頓·弗尼斯是本頓寬帶與社會研究所執(zhí)行主任。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
本文編輯對原文有修改。
譯者:FEB
1944年10月,我的祖父威廉·B·本頓曾經(jīng)在《財(cái)富》雜志上振臂一呼。當(dāng)時(shí)他代表全國商界領(lǐng)袖組成的聯(lián)盟——經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展委員會(CED),呼吁為全體美國人而不僅僅是少數(shù)人創(chuàng)造更和平也更繁榮的未來。
當(dāng)時(shí),這樣的未來還很難想象。就在他撰文15年前,大蕭條攪亂了美國經(jīng)濟(jì),1933年的失業(yè)率幾乎達(dá)到25%。富蘭克林·羅斯福的新政重新推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長,但二戰(zhàn)才真正刺激了強(qiáng)勁復(fù)蘇。隨著戰(zhàn)爭即將結(jié)束,人們也開始為和平時(shí)期尋找道路?!肮餐婺茏屗腥讼硎苄腋?,高于任何私人團(tuán)體的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益?!北绢D寫道。
而經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展委員會的首要原則之一是促進(jìn)競爭。我祖父認(rèn)為,如果企業(yè)能夠?yàn)樯鐣峁┯杏玫姆?wù),就應(yīng)該允許企業(yè)發(fā)展,如此方能符合公共利益:“只要能確保企業(yè)規(guī)模增長后不會扼殺競爭,也不以其他方式濫用,大企業(yè)就可以為公共利益服務(wù)?!?/p>
我們認(rèn)為,美國有太多的人之所以境況不佳,就是因?yàn)闆]有寬帶網(wǎng)絡(luò),或者無力支付費(fèi)用,或者沒有使用該工具的技能。
究其原因?寬帶市場過于集中就是其中之一,這導(dǎo)致消費(fèi)者無法享受競爭的益處。美國近四分之三人口使用的寬帶由壟斷或雙寡頭提供,下載速度為每秒100兆,上傳速度為每秒10兆。據(jù)估計(jì),35%的人只能選擇一家寬帶供應(yīng)商;37%的人只有兩個(gè)選擇。如果沒有競爭,人們將受到高價(jià)低質(zhì)量服務(wù)以及創(chuàng)新缺乏的影響,而低收入者或農(nóng)村地區(qū)的人受影響更大?!度A爾街日報(bào)》去年發(fā)表的一份報(bào)告發(fā)現(xiàn),低收入地區(qū)和高收入地區(qū)的平均每月網(wǎng)費(fèi)接近(約66美元),但低收入地區(qū)的網(wǎng)速要慢40%。
與家庭收入低于平均水平的社區(qū)相比,富裕社區(qū)選擇兩家以上寬帶提供商的可能性要高出兩到三倍。由于競爭有限,美國人支付寬帶費(fèi)用達(dá)到經(jīng)合組織國家中的第二高,也不算奇怪。不過如果寬帶市場引入新競爭,好處還是很明顯的??八_斯州堪薩斯城、田納西州查塔努加、北卡羅來納州威爾遜和科羅拉多州朗蒙特都是證據(jù),可以證明如果私人或市政寬帶提供商加入競爭,就能夠刺激提供商降低價(jià)格并提高網(wǎng)速,但在周邊地區(qū)引入新競爭的效果并不明顯。
“缺乏競爭會扼殺自由市場?!蔽易娓?5年前就在《財(cái)富》雜志上寫道?!八^壟斷行為……抹殺了低價(jià)銷售和提高質(zhì)量的必要性,導(dǎo)致自滿情緒。如此做法不應(yīng)該出現(xiàn)在為共同利益服務(wù)的自由企業(yè)制度中?!?/p>
政府能做些什么?目前美國19個(gè)州的法律限制本地社區(qū)增加寬帶部署,他們應(yīng)該重新修訂和廢除相關(guān)規(guī)定。
聯(lián)邦政府每年確實(shí)會向移動(dòng)和固定寬帶提供商支付數(shù)十億美元用于建設(shè)網(wǎng)絡(luò),但其中也存在陷阱。1月,聯(lián)邦通信委員會投票通過了204億美元的農(nóng)村數(shù)字機(jī)會基金,向?qū)拵峁┥虛芸钤谀壳皼]有服務(wù)或服務(wù)不達(dá)標(biāo)的地區(qū)鋪設(shè)寬帶網(wǎng)絡(luò),但該筆資金將并不能保證低收入者能負(fù)擔(dān)得起寬帶費(fèi)用。我們認(rèn)為,國會和聯(lián)邦通信委員會應(yīng)該提出要求,寬帶提供商應(yīng)該提供平價(jià)且高速的服務(wù),并以此作為撥款條件。例如,向符合條件的用戶提供任意使用每秒50兆上傳和下載速度的服務(wù),且每月費(fèi)用僅為10美元。
然而令人擔(dān)心的是,家庭寬帶的普及率并沒有提高。約73%的美國成年人在家里使用寬帶服務(wù),但過去三年比例保持穩(wěn)定。有太多人即便能使用寬帶服務(wù)卻沒有使用。由此看來,價(jià)格實(shí)惠至關(guān)重要。
當(dāng)前的挑戰(zhàn)不是改善美國部分人的生活質(zhì)量,而是要讓每個(gè)人不管住在哪里都能連接起來,增加網(wǎng)絡(luò)用戶的自主權(quán)。寬帶并不能解決美國的所有問題,但如果沒有寬帶,就很難應(yīng)對教育、醫(yī)療、農(nóng)業(yè)、氣候變化和經(jīng)濟(jì)等領(lǐng)域面臨的重大挑戰(zhàn)。
高速寬帶可以為美國所有人提供必需的工具,充分發(fā)揮人們的潛力并建設(shè)更強(qiáng)大的社區(qū),從而為共同利益服務(wù)。其重要性與美國民主的結(jié)構(gòu)密切交織,不可分離。
艾德里安·本頓·弗尼斯是本頓寬帶與社會研究所執(zhí)行主任。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
本文編輯對原文有修改。
譯者:FEB
In October 1944, my grandfather William B. Benton delivered a clarion call in the pages of Fortune magazine. On behalf of the Committee for Economic Development (CED), a national coalition of business leaders, he offered a forward-looking agenda to deliver a more peaceful and prosperous future for all Americans—not just a few.
At the time, that future was difficult to imagine. Fifteen years prior, the Great Depression had roiled the American economy, driving unemployment rates to almost 25% in 1933. Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal had re-started economic growth, but it took World War II to power a robust recovery. Now, with the end of the war in sight, it was time to chart a path for peacetime. “The good of all—the common good—is a means to the enduring happiness of every individual in society and is superior to the economic interest of any private group,” Benton wrote.
One of CED’s first principles was fostering competition. It is in the public interest, my grandfather argued, that corporations be allowed to grow if they provided useful service to the community: "Provided that the power that comes with size is not permitted to stifle competition and is not permitted in other ways to be abused, big business can serve the common good."
We believe too many people in the U.S. have been left behind—because broadband networks don’t reach them, the service is unaffordable, or people don’t yet have the skills to make use of this powerful tool.
One reason for this? Broadband market concentration is stifling the benefits of competition for consumers. Nearly three out of four people in the U.S. are served by a broadband monopoly or duopoly offering Internet download speeds of 100 megabits per second and upload speeds of 10 Mbps. An estimated 35% of people have only one choice of broadband provider; another 37% have just two to choose from. Without competition, people—especially those with lower incomes or those who live in rural areas—are threatened with artificially high prices, lower-quality service, and little innovation. A Wall Street Journal report published last year found that low-income areas and high-income areas pay similar median monthly costs (about $66) for stand-alone internet, but poorer areas get 40% slower speeds for the price.
Wealthier communities are two to three times more likely to have more than two choices for broadband providers than are communities with lower-than-average household incomes. With limited competition, it is perhaps unsurprising that Americans pay the second-highest broadband prices among OECD countries. Yet when new competition is introduced in broadband markets, the benefits are demonstrable. Look no further than Kansas City, Kan.; Chattanooga, Tenn.; Wilson, N.C.; and Longmont, Colo. for evidence that competition from a private or municipal broadband provider results in incumbent providers dropping prices and increasing speeds—but not in nearby areas the new competition didn’t serve.
“Lack of competition stifles the free market,” my grandfather wrote in Fortune three quarters of a century ago. “So-called monopoly practices…which remove the necessity of trying to undersell a competitor or to match or improve on his quality, induce complacency. Such practices have no place in a free-enterprise system designed to serve the common good."
So, what can governments do? Right now, laws in 19 states restrict local communities from experimenting to increase broadband deployment. These laws should be revisited and repealed.
The federal government does disburse billions of dollars annually to mobile and fixed broadband providers to build their networks—but there's a catch. Though the FCC voted in January to approve a $20.4 billion Rural Digital Opportunity Fund that will make grants to broadband providers to build broadband networks where there is currently no or substandard service, the money will be disbursed without any guarantee that the grant recipients will help to make broadband more affordable for low-income customers. We believe Congress and the FCC should require, as a condition for funding this broadband deployment, true high-speed service at actually affordable prices—for instance, service rated at 50 Mbps for upload and download with unlimited usage for $10 per month to eligible recipients.
What is alarming is that home broadband adoption rates aren’t improving. Approximately 73% of U.S adults use broadband service at home, but that figure has remained stable for the past three years. Too many people aren’t subscribing to broadband even when it is available to them. Affordable service is crucial.
The challenge is not to improve the lot of some people in America; it is to offer everyone the ability to connect, regardless of where they live, to empower all people using the network. Broadband will not solve every problem in America, but we cannot address our greatest challenges—those found in education, health care, agriculture, climate change, and the economy—without it.
High-performance broadband can give everyone in this country the tools they need to fulfill their potential, build stronger communities, and serve the common good. Its importance, then, is woven into the very fabric of American democracy.
Adrianne Benton Furniss is the executive director of the Benton Institute for Broadband & Society.