如何既能控制住新冠病毒疫情,又可以保住經(jīng)濟(jì)呢?在美國(guó)上下為此而絞盡腦汁之時(shí),總統(tǒng)特朗普于上上周宣布,希望在未來(lái)幾天內(nèi)實(shí)施“一項(xiàng)非常強(qiáng)勁的重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)計(jì)劃”,“甚至可能會(huì)在5月1日之前實(shí)施。”
此番“重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)”宣言的背景是,絕大多數(shù)的州長(zhǎng)都已經(jīng)勒令大部分企業(yè)停工。但已經(jīng)有一些州長(zhǎng)表態(tài)稱5月1日結(jié)束停工為時(shí)過(guò)早,可見(jiàn)接下來(lái)白宮和各州領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人發(fā)生沖突恐怕在所難免。
這也提出了美國(guó)總統(tǒng)究竟在哪些地方有權(quán)重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)的問(wèn)題。4月13日,特朗普聲稱其對(duì)各州何時(shí)能夠重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)有著“絕對(duì)的權(quán)力”。但在各個(gè)政治派別的法律學(xué)者均指出這毫無(wú)依據(jù)之后,他又收回了這一說(shuō)法。
卡多佐法學(xué)院憲法學(xué)教授黛博拉·珀?duì)査固贡硎?,“和大家一樣,我也認(rèn)為,特朗普擁有絕對(duì)權(quán)力的說(shuō)法完全是無(wú)稽之談?!?/p>
珀?duì)査固乖绹?guó)憲法第十修正案指出,大多數(shù)的權(quán)力,包括對(duì)貿(mào)易和公民自由的權(quán)力,都只屬于各個(gè)州。雖然聯(lián)邦政府握有對(duì)州際貿(mào)易的權(quán)力,但這種權(quán)力必須由國(guó)會(huì)來(lái)行使,而非由總統(tǒng)。
珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō),即便是港口、機(jī)場(chǎng)和州際公路等關(guān)鍵的聯(lián)邦基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施,總統(tǒng)也無(wú)權(quán)單方面開(kāi)放或者關(guān)閉?;蛟S是因?yàn)檎J(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn),在4月16日發(fā)布最新的重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)指引前,特朗普據(jù)悉對(duì)各州州長(zhǎng)說(shuō),“具體要怎么做你們自行決定?!?/p>
那么,特朗普有什么權(quán)力“重啟”經(jīng)濟(jì)嗎?他的確有,但那些權(quán)力大多是間接性的而不是直接性的,他倒可以利用它們來(lái)施加影響。例如,他可以通過(guò)發(fā)布聯(lián)邦政府指引來(lái)向州長(zhǎng)們施加政治壓力,又或者直接通過(guò)電視媒體或推特來(lái)擴(kuò)大影響力。
珀?duì)査固惯€指出,特朗普可以要求司法部起訴那些沒(méi)有遵從他的要求重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)的州,不過(guò)一旦到了聯(lián)邦法庭,他會(huì)毫無(wú)勝算。她說(shuō),總統(tǒng)更有可能使用截留物資或者聯(lián)邦資金的方式,來(lái)懲罰那些不服從要求的州。
然而,據(jù)珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō),如果沒(méi)有得到國(guó)會(huì)法案的批準(zhǔn),截留用于高速公路或醫(yī)療服務(wù)的聯(lián)邦資金是違法的。但她認(rèn)為,特朗普可能還是會(huì)一意孤行。
珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō)道:“想象一下,這位總統(tǒng)試圖截留提供給紐約州的醫(yī)療保健資金的情況。那么做是不合法的,而且非常麻煩。但通常用來(lái)阻止這種情況發(fā)生的機(jī)制,目前基本上是無(wú)效的,比如司法部監(jiān)察長(zhǎng)和國(guó)會(huì)的傳喚權(quán)。”她解釋稱,國(guó)會(huì)在休會(huì),另外司法部總監(jiān)察長(zhǎng)的警告也曾被特朗普無(wú)視過(guò)。
總統(tǒng)還擁有軍事權(quán)。雖然陸海空三軍大體上不能用于執(zhí)法,但他們可以在交通運(yùn)輸和其它的后勤事項(xiàng)上發(fā)揮重要作用。因此,對(duì)于那些違抗重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)指令的州,特朗普有權(quán)決定給它們部署還是截留這些資源,其中包括海軍醫(yī)療船和N95口罩等物質(zhì)。
這一切意味著,未來(lái)幾周,特朗普將無(wú)法行駛什么直接性的權(quán)力來(lái)強(qiáng)制全美各地的企業(yè)復(fù)工。不過(guò),他還是可以動(dòng)用這樣或那樣的軟權(quán)力來(lái)施壓各州州長(zhǎng)就范。
“就看他有多強(qiáng)硬了。”珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō)。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:萬(wàn)志文
如何既能控制住新冠病毒疫情,又可以保住經(jīng)濟(jì)呢?在美國(guó)上下為此而絞盡腦汁之時(shí),總統(tǒng)特朗普于上上周宣布,希望在未來(lái)幾天內(nèi)實(shí)施“一項(xiàng)非常強(qiáng)勁的重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)計(jì)劃”,“甚至可能會(huì)在5月1日之前實(shí)施?!?/p>
此番“重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)”宣言的背景是,絕大多數(shù)的州長(zhǎng)都已經(jīng)勒令大部分企業(yè)停工。但已經(jīng)有一些州長(zhǎng)表態(tài)稱5月1日結(jié)束停工為時(shí)過(guò)早,可見(jiàn)接下來(lái)白宮和各州領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人發(fā)生沖突恐怕在所難免。
這也提出了美國(guó)總統(tǒng)究竟在哪些地方有權(quán)重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)的問(wèn)題。4月13日,特朗普聲稱其對(duì)各州何時(shí)能夠重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)有著“絕對(duì)的權(quán)力”。但在各個(gè)政治派別的法律學(xué)者均指出這毫無(wú)依據(jù)之后,他又收回了這一說(shuō)法。
卡多佐法學(xué)院憲法學(xué)教授黛博拉·珀?duì)査固贡硎?,“和大家一樣,我也認(rèn)為,特朗普擁有絕對(duì)權(quán)力的說(shuō)法完全是無(wú)稽之談?!?/p>
珀?duì)査固乖绹?guó)憲法第十修正案指出,大多數(shù)的權(quán)力,包括對(duì)貿(mào)易和公民自由的權(quán)力,都只屬于各個(gè)州。雖然聯(lián)邦政府握有對(duì)州際貿(mào)易的權(quán)力,但這種權(quán)力必須由國(guó)會(huì)來(lái)行使,而非由總統(tǒng)。
珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō),即便是港口、機(jī)場(chǎng)和州際公路等關(guān)鍵的聯(lián)邦基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施,總統(tǒng)也無(wú)權(quán)單方面開(kāi)放或者關(guān)閉?;蛟S是因?yàn)檎J(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn),在4月16日發(fā)布最新的重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)指引前,特朗普據(jù)悉對(duì)各州州長(zhǎng)說(shuō),“具體要怎么做你們自行決定。”
那么,特朗普有什么權(quán)力“重啟”經(jīng)濟(jì)嗎?他的確有,但那些權(quán)力大多是間接性的而不是直接性的,他倒可以利用它們來(lái)施加影響。例如,他可以通過(guò)發(fā)布聯(lián)邦政府指引來(lái)向州長(zhǎng)們施加政治壓力,又或者直接通過(guò)電視媒體或推特來(lái)擴(kuò)大影響力。
珀?duì)査固惯€指出,特朗普可以要求司法部起訴那些沒(méi)有遵從他的要求重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)的州,不過(guò)一旦到了聯(lián)邦法庭,他會(huì)毫無(wú)勝算。她說(shuō),總統(tǒng)更有可能使用截留物資或者聯(lián)邦資金的方式,來(lái)懲罰那些不服從要求的州。
然而,據(jù)珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō),如果沒(méi)有得到國(guó)會(huì)法案的批準(zhǔn),截留用于高速公路或醫(yī)療服務(wù)的聯(lián)邦資金是違法的。但她認(rèn)為,特朗普可能還是會(huì)一意孤行。
珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō)道:“想象一下,這位總統(tǒng)試圖截留提供給紐約州的醫(yī)療保健資金的情況。那么做是不合法的,而且非常麻煩。但通常用來(lái)阻止這種情況發(fā)生的機(jī)制,目前基本上是無(wú)效的,比如司法部監(jiān)察長(zhǎng)和國(guó)會(huì)的傳喚權(quán)?!彼忉尫Q,國(guó)會(huì)在休會(huì),另外司法部總監(jiān)察長(zhǎng)的警告也曾被特朗普無(wú)視過(guò)。
總統(tǒng)還擁有軍事權(quán)。雖然陸??杖姶篌w上不能用于執(zhí)法,但他們可以在交通運(yùn)輸和其它的后勤事項(xiàng)上發(fā)揮重要作用。因此,對(duì)于那些違抗重啟經(jīng)濟(jì)指令的州,特朗普有權(quán)決定給它們部署還是截留這些資源,其中包括海軍醫(yī)療船和N95口罩等物質(zhì)。
這一切意味著,未來(lái)幾周,特朗普將無(wú)法行駛什么直接性的權(quán)力來(lái)強(qiáng)制全美各地的企業(yè)復(fù)工。不過(guò),他還是可以動(dòng)用這樣或那樣的軟權(quán)力來(lái)施壓各州州長(zhǎng)就范。
“就看他有多強(qiáng)硬了。”珀?duì)査固拐f(shuō)。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:萬(wàn)志文
As the U.S. wrestles with how to contain the coronavirus while also saving the economy, President Trump declared last week he wants to implement “a very powerful reopening plan” in coming days—"maybe even before the date of May 1."
The call for "reopening" is a response to governors in a large majority of states who have ordered most businesses to close. But already some governors have suggested May 1 is too soon to end their shutdowns, raising the specter of a collision between the White House and state leaders.
It also raises the question of what spaces in the country the President can or can't open. On April 13, Trump declared he had "total authority" over when the states can restart their economies—a claim he has since walked back after legal scholars across the political spectrum claimed it had no basis.
"I share the view of pretty much everyone that the total authority claim is total nonsense," said Deborah Pearlstein a professor of constitutional law at Cardozo Law School.
Pearlstein cited the Tenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which reserves most powers—including over commerce and civil liberties—to the states. And while the federal government has power over interstate commerce, that power must be exercised by Congress not the President.
Even for key federal infrastructure such as ports, airports and Interstate highways, the President does not have the power to unilaterally open or close them, says Pearlstein. On April 16, perhaps acknowledging this reality, Trump reportedly told the country's governors "You're going to call your own," prior to issuing updated guidelines.
So does Trump have any power to "reopen" the economy? It turns out he does, but they are mostly indirect ones he can use to exert influence rather explicit legal ones. For instance, he can exert political pressure on governors through federal guidelines or, more informally, through his bully pulpit on TV and Twitter.
Pearlstein also notes that he could ask the Justice Department to sue states that don't heed his demands they reopen, but that he would certainly lose in federal court. She says it's more likely that the President would withhold equipment or federal funds from states that don't comply.
But in the absence of an act of Congress, withholding funds for highways or health services would be illegal, Perlstein says, but adds that Trump may nonetheless attempt such tactics.
"One can imagine this President trying to withhold health care funds to the state of NY. That would be illegal and very troubling but the mechanisms that usually exist to prevent that, such as Inspectors General or Congressional subpoena power are substantially disabled," Pearlstein says, explaining that Congress is out of session and that Trump has previously failed to heed Inspectors General.
There is also the President's power over the military. While the armed services largely can't be used for law enforcement, the military can play an important role in transportation and other logistics. As such, the President could deploy or withhold such resources—including Navy hospital ships or delivery of N95 masks—from states whose governors defy his request to reopen.
All of this means that, in coming weeks, the President will be able to exercise little direct authority to compel the country's businesses to reopen. But he could nonetheless use considerable soft power to pressure states to do his bidding.
"It depends how much hardball he wants to play," says Perlstein.