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危機(jī)專家:從新冠疫情中獲取的五大經(jīng)驗(yàn)

David Z. Morris
2020-05-03

這位經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家一直在思考新冠病毒大流行的經(jīng)濟(jì)后果和復(fù)蘇前景。

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經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家兼作家理查德·戴維斯都經(jīng)歷過(guò),真的,而且經(jīng)歷過(guò)很多次。

2006年到2011年,戴維斯在英格蘭銀行擔(dān)任經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家。G20和國(guó)際貨幣基金組織開(kāi)會(huì)商討歐盟如何應(yīng)對(duì)2008年金融危機(jī)時(shí),他曾為英國(guó)談判代表提供咨詢。2016次英國(guó)退歐選舉期間,他擔(dān)任英國(guó)財(cái)政部長(zhǎng)高級(jí)顧問(wèn)。

很顯然,他感覺(jué)經(jīng)歷的混亂還不夠多。離開(kāi)政府后,戴維斯踏上全球之旅,后來(lái)寫(xiě)成了《極端經(jīng)濟(jì)》(Extreme Economies)一書(shū),該書(shū)收集了1月美國(guó)公布的9個(gè)案例。戴維斯想了解經(jīng)濟(jì)體遭遇困難時(shí)為何能成功適應(yīng),又為何會(huì)失敗。通過(guò)寫(xiě)書(shū),他從海嘯后的印度尼西亞回顧到后工業(yè)時(shí)代的格拉斯哥。

“我想尋找本應(yīng)失敗卻成功存活的經(jīng)濟(jì),”戴維斯說(shuō),“還有本應(yīng)繁榮卻最終失敗的經(jīng)濟(jì)?!?/p>

所以戴維斯一直思考新冠病毒大流行的經(jīng)濟(jì)后果和復(fù)蘇前景也就毫不奇怪。他最近一直忙著照顧剛出生的雙胞胎,本次抽出時(shí)間分享了一些重要的見(jiàn)解。

市場(chǎng)需要政府,政府也需要市場(chǎng)

“要利用市場(chǎng),不能讓市場(chǎng)失控。”戴維斯說(shuō)。他在巴拿馬達(dá)里安峽地區(qū)考察期間發(fā)現(xiàn),當(dāng)?shù)厝似疵鼱?zhēng)奪木材導(dǎo)致災(zāi)難性的森林砍伐,因此越發(fā)相信維持平衡的重要性。

“目前最明顯的例子是個(gè)人防護(hù)用品(PPE)市場(chǎng)。”他接著說(shuō)。“有些政府只是在指揮,不讓價(jià)格信號(hào)發(fā)揮作用,結(jié)果造成了巨大的混亂。然而如果走另一個(gè)極端完全讓市場(chǎng)決定,又會(huì)出現(xiàn)像英國(guó)一樣的‘價(jià)格欺詐’?!?/p>

“激進(jìn)的弗里德曼主義,也就是完全自由主義的模式顯然是錯(cuò)誤的,”戴維斯說(shuō)?!暗帷ど5滤沟募みM(jìn)主義也行不通。經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)就是要問(wèn):何時(shí)能讓市場(chǎng)不受限制地運(yùn)行,何時(shí)應(yīng)該加以控制?”

不平等威脅到所有人

為了寫(xiě)《極端經(jīng)濟(jì)》,戴維斯前往一些能說(shuō)明全球趨勢(shì)可能影響所有人的地方考察。為了研究不平等日益嚴(yán)重可能導(dǎo)致的后果,他去了智利圣地亞哥,當(dāng)?shù)爻?jí)富人和工薪階層之間的差距相當(dāng)深遠(yuǎn),不僅阻礙了社會(huì)流動(dòng),也阻礙了創(chuàng)新和經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)。

戴維斯認(rèn)為新冠病毒為全球?qū)Σ黄降燃昂蠊庙懥司姟!拔覀円庾R(shí)到護(hù)士跟醫(yī)生一樣重要,亞馬遜的員工為護(hù)士提供裝備也非常重要。”他說(shuō)?!拔矣X(jué)得這是好事。關(guān)于不平等……等疫情過(guò)去后會(huì)有大討論,因?yàn)槲覀兌家庾R(shí)到相互依存的關(guān)系?!?/p>

信任是最重要的資產(chǎn),正面臨風(fēng)險(xiǎn)

戴維斯認(rèn)為,“社會(huì)資本”可能是成功經(jīng)濟(jì)體最容易忽視的因素,尤其是從沖擊中復(fù)蘇的經(jīng)濟(jì)體。不管是達(dá)里安的無(wú)政府狀態(tài),還是圣地亞哥的不平等,都加劇了人們的不信任和疏遠(yuǎn),影響了經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展,而印度尼西亞班達(dá)亞齊由于社區(qū)聯(lián)系強(qiáng)大,推動(dòng)當(dāng)?shù)匮杆購(gòu)?004年海嘯幾乎一片荒廢中恢復(fù)。

“社會(huì)資本的價(jià)值在于能提升其他類型的資本,例如金融資本、實(shí)物資本。”他說(shuō)?!瓣P(guān)鍵是分享。如果社會(huì)資本很高,投入一點(diǎn)物質(zhì)資本會(huì)就可以實(shí)現(xiàn)提升。如果能搭建本地化的信貸系統(tǒng),金融信貸可以更穩(wěn)定發(fā)揮作用。社會(huì)資本較高的社區(qū)在管理流行病和從中恢復(fù)的能力更強(qiáng)?!?/p>

戴維斯說(shuō),地震或戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中,社區(qū)可以積攢社會(huì)資本,因?yàn)橐獔F(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)對(duì)抗共同的敵人。但他擔(dān)心,從新冠危機(jī)的發(fā)展來(lái)看,可能威脅到從危機(jī)中恢復(fù)最重要的事。

“目前還沒(méi)有戰(zhàn)時(shí)心態(tài),”他說(shuō)?!斑€存在大量批評(píng),”比如美國(guó)零星的反封鎖抗議?!拔覍?duì)當(dāng)前危機(jī)最擔(dān)心的就是,疫情不斷侵蝕社會(huì)資本,更廣義地說(shuō)會(huì)侵蝕民族情緒。”

非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)至關(guān)重要

戴維斯的書(shū)還考察了充滿驚人活力的約旦扎塔里難民營(yíng)。難民營(yíng)里,在非政府組織建立的限制性援助系統(tǒng)之外,敘利亞難民經(jīng)營(yíng)著服裝店、寵物店和臺(tái)球場(chǎng),生意相當(dāng)繁忙。

“我以前認(rèn)為非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)很小眾?!贝骶S斯說(shuō)?!暗F(xiàn)在我認(rèn)為,大多數(shù)(經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家)真正評(píng)估的經(jīng)濟(jì)只有實(shí)際的一半左右?!边@意味著GDP等官方數(shù)據(jù)還有經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和央行使用的模型,都無(wú)法判斷病毒引發(fā)的全部后果,特別是在發(fā)展中國(guó)家。

戴維斯還發(fā)現(xiàn),非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)也是危機(jī)后復(fù)蘇的關(guān)鍵。他說(shuō),危機(jī)過(guò)后,“充滿機(jī)會(huì)主義精神的當(dāng)?shù)厝朔磻?yīng)迅速,比國(guó)際貨幣基金組織等機(jī)構(gòu)要快得多。如果能給人們購(gòu)買(mǎi)力,他們就會(huì)出去買(mǎi)需要的東西,如果買(mǎi)不到,他們會(huì)組織鄰近城鎮(zhèn)的企業(yè)家集體采購(gòu)。”

錢(qián)會(huì)變

全球很多政府都迅速采取行動(dòng),希望提升人們的購(gòu)買(mǎi)力。但從美國(guó)的小企業(yè)過(guò)橋貸款,還有失業(yè)救濟(jì)擴(kuò)大的驚人混亂狀況來(lái)看,很多國(guó)家確實(shí)需要升級(jí)正規(guī)金融體系。

“現(xiàn)代的危機(jī)應(yīng)對(duì)工具,就是政府知道我們擁有的銀行賬戶?!贝骶S斯說(shuō)?!岸胰魏螘r(shí)候都能獲得一定數(shù)額的資金。通過(guò)注入大量購(gòu)買(mǎi)力,推動(dòng)市場(chǎng)恢復(fù)正常運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn),援助才可以真正奏效?!?/p>

特殊情況下,不太正規(guī)的金融創(chuàng)新也能蓬勃發(fā)展。“在危機(jī)時(shí)期,”戴維斯說(shuō),“人們能迅速建立新貨幣,做好新的財(cái)務(wù)安排?!崩纾稑O端經(jīng)濟(jì)》當(dāng)中的一章探討了路易斯安那州安哥拉監(jiān)獄的經(jīng)濟(jì),獄中禁止使用美元后,人們用鯖魚(yú)罐頭當(dāng)貨幣。

戴維斯推測(cè),嚴(yán)重的全球金融沖擊也可能鼓勵(lì)人們使用布里斯托爾英鎊等本土貨幣或加密貨幣。他還認(rèn)為,地方信用社,還有借貸圈等“非正統(tǒng)方式”都有望發(fā)展。

“如果疫情過(guò)去,五年后金融創(chuàng)新能留下什么?”戴維斯問(wèn)道?!爱?dāng)然,我們會(huì)獲取一些測(cè)試結(jié)果。但更微妙的是,我們可能收獲一些新觀點(diǎn),比如人類社會(huì)如何更有效地利用資金?!保ㄘ?cái)富中文網(wǎng))

譯者:Feb

經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家兼作家理查德·戴維斯都經(jīng)歷過(guò),真的,而且經(jīng)歷過(guò)很多次。

2006年到2011年,戴維斯在英格蘭銀行擔(dān)任經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家。G20和國(guó)際貨幣基金組織開(kāi)會(huì)商討歐盟如何應(yīng)對(duì)2008年金融危機(jī)時(shí),他曾為英國(guó)談判代表提供咨詢。2016次英國(guó)退歐選舉期間,他擔(dān)任英國(guó)財(cái)政部長(zhǎng)高級(jí)顧問(wèn)。

很顯然,他感覺(jué)經(jīng)歷的混亂還不夠多。離開(kāi)政府后,戴維斯踏上全球之旅,后來(lái)寫(xiě)成了《極端經(jīng)濟(jì)》(Extreme Economies)一書(shū),該書(shū)收集了1月美國(guó)公布的9個(gè)案例。戴維斯想了解經(jīng)濟(jì)體遭遇困難時(shí)為何能成功適應(yīng),又為何會(huì)失敗。通過(guò)寫(xiě)書(shū),他從海嘯后的印度尼西亞回顧到后工業(yè)時(shí)代的格拉斯哥。

“我想尋找本應(yīng)失敗卻成功存活的經(jīng)濟(jì),”戴維斯說(shuō),“還有本應(yīng)繁榮卻最終失敗的經(jīng)濟(jì)?!?/p>

所以戴維斯一直思考新冠病毒大流行的經(jīng)濟(jì)后果和復(fù)蘇前景也就毫不奇怪。他最近一直忙著照顧剛出生的雙胞胎,本次抽出時(shí)間分享了一些重要的見(jiàn)解。

市場(chǎng)需要政府,政府也需要市場(chǎng)

“要利用市場(chǎng),不能讓市場(chǎng)失控。”戴維斯說(shuō)。他在巴拿馬達(dá)里安峽地區(qū)考察期間發(fā)現(xiàn),當(dāng)?shù)厝似疵鼱?zhēng)奪木材導(dǎo)致災(zāi)難性的森林砍伐,因此越發(fā)相信維持平衡的重要性。

“目前最明顯的例子是個(gè)人防護(hù)用品(PPE)市場(chǎng)。”他接著說(shuō)?!坝行┱皇窃谥笓],不讓價(jià)格信號(hào)發(fā)揮作用,結(jié)果造成了巨大的混亂。然而如果走另一個(gè)極端完全讓市場(chǎng)決定,又會(huì)出現(xiàn)像英國(guó)一樣的‘價(jià)格欺詐’?!?/p>

“激進(jìn)的弗里德曼主義,也就是完全自由主義的模式顯然是錯(cuò)誤的,”戴維斯說(shuō)?!暗帷ど5滤沟募みM(jìn)主義也行不通。經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)就是要問(wèn):何時(shí)能讓市場(chǎng)不受限制地運(yùn)行,何時(shí)應(yīng)該加以控制?”

不平等威脅到所有人

為了寫(xiě)《極端經(jīng)濟(jì)》,戴維斯前往一些能說(shuō)明全球趨勢(shì)可能影響所有人的地方考察。為了研究不平等日益嚴(yán)重可能導(dǎo)致的后果,他去了智利圣地亞哥,當(dāng)?shù)爻?jí)富人和工薪階層之間的差距相當(dāng)深遠(yuǎn),不僅阻礙了社會(huì)流動(dòng),也阻礙了創(chuàng)新和經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)。

戴維斯認(rèn)為新冠病毒為全球?qū)Σ黄降燃昂蠊庙懥司??!拔覀円庾R(shí)到護(hù)士跟醫(yī)生一樣重要,亞馬遜的員工為護(hù)士提供裝備也非常重要。”他說(shuō)。“我覺(jué)得這是好事。關(guān)于不平等……等疫情過(guò)去后會(huì)有大討論,因?yàn)槲覀兌家庾R(shí)到相互依存的關(guān)系。”

信任是最重要的資產(chǎn),正面臨風(fēng)險(xiǎn)

戴維斯認(rèn)為,“社會(huì)資本”可能是成功經(jīng)濟(jì)體最容易忽視的因素,尤其是從沖擊中復(fù)蘇的經(jīng)濟(jì)體。不管是達(dá)里安的無(wú)政府狀態(tài),還是圣地亞哥的不平等,都加劇了人們的不信任和疏遠(yuǎn),影響了經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展,而印度尼西亞班達(dá)亞齊由于社區(qū)聯(lián)系強(qiáng)大,推動(dòng)當(dāng)?shù)匮杆購(gòu)?004年海嘯幾乎一片荒廢中恢復(fù)。

“社會(huì)資本的價(jià)值在于能提升其他類型的資本,例如金融資本、實(shí)物資本?!彼f(shuō)。“關(guān)鍵是分享。如果社會(huì)資本很高,投入一點(diǎn)物質(zhì)資本會(huì)就可以實(shí)現(xiàn)提升。如果能搭建本地化的信貸系統(tǒng),金融信貸可以更穩(wěn)定發(fā)揮作用。社會(huì)資本較高的社區(qū)在管理流行病和從中恢復(fù)的能力更強(qiáng)?!?/p>

戴維斯說(shuō),地震或戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中,社區(qū)可以積攢社會(huì)資本,因?yàn)橐獔F(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)對(duì)抗共同的敵人。但他擔(dān)心,從新冠危機(jī)的發(fā)展來(lái)看,可能威脅到從危機(jī)中恢復(fù)最重要的事。

“目前還沒(méi)有戰(zhàn)時(shí)心態(tài),”他說(shuō)。“還存在大量批評(píng),”比如美國(guó)零星的反封鎖抗議?!拔覍?duì)當(dāng)前危機(jī)最擔(dān)心的就是,疫情不斷侵蝕社會(huì)資本,更廣義地說(shuō)會(huì)侵蝕民族情緒?!?/p>

非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)至關(guān)重要

戴維斯的書(shū)還考察了充滿驚人活力的約旦扎塔里難民營(yíng)。難民營(yíng)里,在非政府組織建立的限制性援助系統(tǒng)之外,敘利亞難民經(jīng)營(yíng)著服裝店、寵物店和臺(tái)球場(chǎng),生意相當(dāng)繁忙。

“我以前認(rèn)為非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)很小眾。”戴維斯說(shuō)?!暗F(xiàn)在我認(rèn)為,大多數(shù)(經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家)真正評(píng)估的經(jīng)濟(jì)只有實(shí)際的一半左右。”這意味著GDP等官方數(shù)據(jù)還有經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和央行使用的模型,都無(wú)法判斷病毒引發(fā)的全部后果,特別是在發(fā)展中國(guó)家。

戴維斯還發(fā)現(xiàn),非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)也是危機(jī)后復(fù)蘇的關(guān)鍵。他說(shuō),危機(jī)過(guò)后,“充滿機(jī)會(huì)主義精神的當(dāng)?shù)厝朔磻?yīng)迅速,比國(guó)際貨幣基金組織等機(jī)構(gòu)要快得多。如果能給人們購(gòu)買(mǎi)力,他們就會(huì)出去買(mǎi)需要的東西,如果買(mǎi)不到,他們會(huì)組織鄰近城鎮(zhèn)的企業(yè)家集體采購(gòu)?!?/p>

錢(qián)會(huì)變

全球很多政府都迅速采取行動(dòng),希望提升人們的購(gòu)買(mǎi)力。但從美國(guó)的小企業(yè)過(guò)橋貸款,還有失業(yè)救濟(jì)擴(kuò)大的驚人混亂狀況來(lái)看,很多國(guó)家確實(shí)需要升級(jí)正規(guī)金融體系。

“現(xiàn)代的危機(jī)應(yīng)對(duì)工具,就是政府知道我們擁有的銀行賬戶。”戴維斯說(shuō)。“而且任何時(shí)候都能獲得一定數(shù)額的資金。通過(guò)注入大量購(gòu)買(mǎi)力,推動(dòng)市場(chǎng)恢復(fù)正常運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn),援助才可以真正奏效。”

特殊情況下,不太正規(guī)的金融創(chuàng)新也能蓬勃發(fā)展。“在危機(jī)時(shí)期,”戴維斯說(shuō),“人們能迅速建立新貨幣,做好新的財(cái)務(wù)安排?!崩?,《極端經(jīng)濟(jì)》當(dāng)中的一章探討了路易斯安那州安哥拉監(jiān)獄的經(jīng)濟(jì),獄中禁止使用美元后,人們用鯖魚(yú)罐頭當(dāng)貨幣。

戴維斯推測(cè),嚴(yán)重的全球金融沖擊也可能鼓勵(lì)人們使用布里斯托爾英鎊等本土貨幣或加密貨幣。他還認(rèn)為,地方信用社,還有借貸圈等“非正統(tǒng)方式”都有望發(fā)展。

“如果疫情過(guò)去,五年后金融創(chuàng)新能留下什么?”戴維斯問(wèn)道?!爱?dāng)然,我們會(huì)獲取一些測(cè)試結(jié)果。但更微妙的是,我們可能收獲一些新觀點(diǎn),比如人類社會(huì)如何更有效地利用資金。”(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

譯者:Feb

Economist and writer Richard Davies has been here before—quite literally, and many times.

As an economist at the Bank of England from 2006 to 2011, Davies advised U.K. negotiators at the G20 and IMF meetings that organized the EU’s response to the 2008 financial crisis. He was later a senior advisor to the U.K.’s finance minister during the runup to the 2016 Brexit vote.

Apparently that wasn’t enough economic chaos for him. After leaving government, Davies started the global tour that became the book Extreme Economies, a collection of nine case studies published in the U.S. in January. Davies wanted to learn how economies succeeded in adapting—or failed to adapt—to hard times, a mission that took him from post-tsunami Indonesia to post-industrial Glasgow.

“I looked for places that should have failed,” says Davies, “but ended up with a working economy; and places that should have thriving economies, but failed.”

Not surprisingly, Davies has been thinking a lot about the coronavirus pandemic, its economic consequences—and the outlook for recovery. He recently took time out from caring for his newborn twins to share some of his most important insights.

Markets need governments, and vice versa

“You have to use markets, but you can’t let markets run amok,” says Davies. His time in Panama’s Darien Gap region, where an unregulated scramble for wood has led to catastrophic deforestation, helped convince him of the importance of that balance.

“The prime example right now is the market for PPE [medical protective equipment]," he continues. "Some governments are just directing it, and not letting price signals work, which is causing huge mess-ups. And if you go to the other extreme and just let markets run, you wind up with the price gouging we have here in the U.K.”

“An aggressively Friedmanite, fully libertarian model is clearly wrong,” Davies argues, invoking economist Milton Friedman. “But the Bernie Sanders extreme isn’t going to work either. Economics is about [asking], 'Where can we let markets run untrammeled, and where should we control them?'”

Inequality threatens everyone

For Extreme Economies, Davies visited places that illustrate where global trends could take the rest of us. To study where growing inequality could lead, he went to Santiago, Chile, where the gap between the ultra-rich and working people is profound and deep, stalling not only social mobility, but innovation and economic growth.

Davies sees coronavirus as a global wake-up call on inequality and its consequences. “We’ve realized that the nurse is as important as the doctor, and that the Amazon worker providing stuff to the nurse is also massively important," he says. "I think that’s a good thing. The inequality debate...is going to be huge after this, because we recognize that interdependence.”

Trust is our greatest asset—and it’s at risk

Davies argues that “social capital” is perhaps the most overlooked ingredient in successful economies, especially those recovering from a shock. Darien’s lawlessness and Santiago’s inequity have hampered their local economies by fueling distrust and alienation among residents, while the strong community in Banda Aceh, Indonesia, helped that city bounce back quickly from near-total destruction by a 2004 tsunami.

“Social capital works by making other types of capital – financial, physical – go further,” he says. “It’s about sharing things. If you’ve got high social capital, one bit of physical capital goes further. You can have localized credit systems, so financial credit can go further. Communities where social capital is higher are going to be much better off in their ability both to manage this pandemic, and to recover from it.”

In an earthquake or a war, Davies says, communities can gain social capital because they’re drawn together by a common enemy. But he worries that the specific contours of the coronavirus crisis are a threat to the very thing we most need to recover from it.

“We’re not seeing the wartime mentality,” he says. “Actually we’re seeing masses of criticism,” such as scattered anti-lockdown protests in the U.S. “One of my fears for this crisis is that it’s actively eroding social capital, or national sentiment more broadly.”

The informal economy is vital

Davies’ book also examines the surprisingly vibrant Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan. There, Syrian refugees run clothing shops, pet stores, and pool halls that do bustling business—outside of the restrictive aid systems set up by the NGOs that oversee the camp.

“I used to think the informal economy was a niche thing,” Davies says. “I now think most [economists] are literally measuring about half of what’s going on.” That means that official numbers like GDP, and the models used by economists and central banks, won’t capture the full consequences of coronavirus, especially in the developing world.

But Davies has also found that informal systems are key to post-crisis recovery. After a crisis, he says, “opportunistic locals will react lightning- quick, much faster than [agencies like] the IMF. If you can just get buying power into people’s hands, they will go out and buy what they need, and if it’s not there, they’ll organize an entrepreneur from a neighboring town to get it in.”

Money will change

Many governments worldwide have acted swiftly to try and get that buying power into people’s hands. But the U.S., with its small-business bridge loans and expanded unemployment benefits in shocking disarray, is emblematic of the need to upgrade the formal financial systems of many countries.

“A modern crisis response tool,” says Davies, “would be a bank account that the government knew we had, and at any moment it could be topped up with a certain amount of money. Because getting the markets to work for you by injecting a load of spending power is where aid works really well.”

Less formal financial innovations also tend to thrive under extraordinary circumstances. “In times of crisis,” Davies says, “People are able to very quickly build new currencies, and new financial arrangements.” One chapter of Extreme Economies, for instance, explores the economy of Louisiana’s Angola penitentiary, where dollars are barred and canned mackerel serves as currency.

Davies speculates that a serious global financial shock could also encourage the adoption of homegrown local currencies like the Bristol Pound, or of cryptocurrencies. He also sees promise in local credit unions, and in “really unorthodox things” such as lending circles.

“What’s going to be the five year legacy of this?" asks Davies. “Testing, of course. But a more subtle legacy might be some real new ideas about how we as communities can target our funds in the most effective way.”

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