隨著美國總統(tǒng)大選接近尾聲,國會領導人開始討論下一輪經(jīng)濟援助方案。但談判的推動力轉換迅速。
大選之前,眾議院議長南希?佩洛西還在堅持推出2.2萬億美元的刺激計劃,而白宮最終同意支出約1.9萬億美元。不過協(xié)議一直沒有達成,財政上偏保守的參議院共和黨人擱置了白宮提議,希望通過成本更低的法案。
參議院多數(shù)黨領袖麥康奈爾于11月10日對記者說:“我認為在當前形勢下,推出數(shù)萬億美元的一攬子計劃很有必要。因此,我認為計劃應該有很強的針對性,跟10月和9月提出的方案比較相似。”他指的可能是與今年秋天參議院民主黨兩次否決的5000億美元“瘦身”刺激計劃。但如果采取更溫和的刺激方案,意味著一些項目可能被完全忽略。事實上,在參議院共和黨的計劃中,一攬子計劃里并不包括新一輪發(fā)放1200美元的經(jīng)濟刺激計劃,而數(shù)月來白宮和眾議院民主黨一直支持該項目。
兩周前,眾議院議長南希?佩洛西告訴記者,對規(guī)模較小的法案“沒什么興趣”,她重申立場,即民主黨不可能同意參議院共和黨的“瘦身”法案。
不過麥康奈爾主導的共和黨并不是經(jīng)濟刺激計劃面臨的唯一障礙。
疫苗可能“推遲”一攬子計劃
刺激措施可能被推遲還有什么原因?可能是輝瑞(Pfizer)和BioNTech發(fā)布新冠疫苗效用令人振奮的報告,目前疫苗在后期試驗階段。對美國來說疫苗是好消息,但對經(jīng)濟刺激談判可能是壞消息。
聯(lián)博資產(chǎn)管理(AllianceBernstein)的高級經(jīng)濟學家埃里克?溫諾格拉德接受《財富》雜志采訪時說:“我擔心,有些國會議員本來就對通過大規(guī)模刺激法案很謹慎,如此一來可能考慮推遲,或者通過規(guī)模較小的法案,畢竟疫苗算是好消息。疫苗進展順利的話可能通過規(guī)模更小的法案,但我認為政策如此選擇并不正確?!保ㄋJ為1.5萬億美元規(guī)模的刺激計劃能夠更好地促進經(jīng)濟復蘇。)
溫諾格拉德指出,問題在于承諾“幾個月后”推出疫苗,并不能幫助當前失業(yè)的1110多萬美國人。即便疫苗開發(fā)有新進度,也不能改變推出刺激計劃的“緊迫性”,否則很難讓即將消失的效果持續(xù)下去。
加拿大皇家銀行資本市場(RBC Capital Markets)的首席美國經(jīng)濟學家湯姆?波切利認為,不一定需要推出數(shù)萬億美元的一攬子計劃(他認為可以先動用7000億美元左右的資金作為“過渡”),不過他也認為,“從一定程度上說,疫苗消解了盡快推出刺激計劃的緊迫性”。
經(jīng)濟刺激支票“優(yōu)先級較低”
盡管疫苗進展順利,一些經(jīng)濟學家指出,即便一攬子計劃順利通過,可能也不會出臺刺激計劃。
“我認為想說服人們支持(推出更多經(jīng)濟刺激措施)比較困難。尤其當共和黨控制參議院時,幾乎不可能?!奔幽么蠡始毅y行的波切利告訴《財富》雜志,他指的是如果明年1月共和黨在佐治亞州參議院獲得兩個決選席位,兩黨實力膠著的情況。另一方面,聯(lián)博的溫諾格拉德認為,沒有什么情況“不可能出現(xiàn),誰能夠把握準呢?但我認為,與延長失業(yè)救濟金相比,經(jīng)濟刺激的優(yōu)先級較低。”
與此同時,不少經(jīng)濟學家對下一項法案的預期當中,經(jīng)濟刺激計劃地位也不高。波切利、溫諾格拉德和瑞銀全球財富管理(UBS Global Wealth Management)的高級經(jīng)濟學家布賴恩?羅斯都認為,對受影響最嚴重的群體來說,提高失業(yè)救濟和小企業(yè)薪酬保障計劃貸款其實更重要。
調整時期達成協(xié)議?
盡管多數(shù)經(jīng)濟學家普遍認同應該盡快提供更多的援助,但想在2021年前國會人員交替期間通過協(xié)議,似乎是一項艱巨的任務。
可以肯定的是,調整時期達成協(xié)議并非不可能,最近麥康奈爾等人甚至表示,應該在“年底前”達成協(xié)議。但迄今為止佩洛西似乎不愿意在規(guī)模和關鍵問題上讓步,麥康奈爾同樣不愿意。
正如11月9日共和黨參議員羅伊?布朗特所概括的:“雙方都說想推出計劃。但雙方都只想按照自己的意思來。最后如何只能等等看?!?/p>
加拿大皇家銀行的波切利說:“最終發(fā)展方向,還有最終哪方能夠得償所愿,都要看疫情狀況。我認為,如果現(xiàn)在開始病例數(shù)更明顯激增,緊迫性就會上升?!?/p>
多位經(jīng)濟學家都認為,比起大選前反復討論的提案,調整期間達成的協(xié)議規(guī)模會小一些,如果真的推到明年,通過與否很大程度上取決于國會構成。
如果國會分裂,共和黨繼續(xù)控制參議院(很多人認為可能性很大),溫諾格拉德認為“大選期間參議院共和黨人都不著急通過刺激法案,民主黨剛上臺時想必更不會熱心?!?/p>
但是,如果民主黨贏得佐治亞州的兩個決選席位,從而控制住參眾兩院,一些經(jīng)濟學家認為,明年年初可能會達成規(guī)模更大的協(xié)議,后續(xù)還可能出臺經(jīng)濟刺激法案。(財富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:馮豐
審校:夏林
隨著美國總統(tǒng)大選接近尾聲,國會領導人開始討論下一輪經(jīng)濟援助方案。但談判的推動力轉換迅速。
大選之前,眾議院議長南希?佩洛西還在堅持推出2.2萬億美元的刺激計劃,而白宮最終同意支出約1.9萬億美元。不過協(xié)議一直沒有達成,財政上偏保守的參議院共和黨人擱置了白宮提議,希望通過成本更低的法案。
參議院多數(shù)黨領袖麥康奈爾于11月10日對記者說:“我認為在當前形勢下,推出數(shù)萬億美元的一攬子計劃很有必要。因此,我認為計劃應該有很強的針對性,跟10月和9月提出的方案比較相似。”他指的可能是與今年秋天參議院民主黨兩次否決的5000億美元“瘦身”刺激計劃。但如果采取更溫和的刺激方案,意味著一些項目可能被完全忽略。事實上,在參議院共和黨的計劃中,一攬子計劃里并不包括新一輪發(fā)放1200美元的經(jīng)濟刺激計劃,而數(shù)月來白宮和眾議院民主黨一直支持該項目。
兩周前,眾議院議長南希?佩洛西告訴記者,對規(guī)模較小的法案“沒什么興趣”,她重申立場,即民主黨不可能同意參議院共和黨的“瘦身”法案。
不過麥康奈爾主導的共和黨并不是經(jīng)濟刺激計劃面臨的唯一障礙。
疫苗可能“推遲”一攬子計劃
刺激措施可能被推遲還有什么原因?可能是輝瑞(Pfizer)和BioNTech發(fā)布新冠疫苗效用令人振奮的報告,目前疫苗在后期試驗階段。對美國來說疫苗是好消息,但對經(jīng)濟刺激談判可能是壞消息。
聯(lián)博資產(chǎn)管理(AllianceBernstein)的高級經(jīng)濟學家埃里克?溫諾格拉德接受《財富》雜志采訪時說:“我擔心,有些國會議員本來就對通過大規(guī)模刺激法案很謹慎,如此一來可能考慮推遲,或者通過規(guī)模較小的法案,畢竟疫苗算是好消息。疫苗進展順利的話可能通過規(guī)模更小的法案,但我認為政策如此選擇并不正確?!保ㄋJ為1.5萬億美元規(guī)模的刺激計劃能夠更好地促進經(jīng)濟復蘇。)
溫諾格拉德指出,問題在于承諾“幾個月后”推出疫苗,并不能幫助當前失業(yè)的1110多萬美國人。即便疫苗開發(fā)有新進度,也不能改變推出刺激計劃的“緊迫性”,否則很難讓即將消失的效果持續(xù)下去。
加拿大皇家銀行資本市場(RBC Capital Markets)的首席美國經(jīng)濟學家湯姆?波切利認為,不一定需要推出數(shù)萬億美元的一攬子計劃(他認為可以先動用7000億美元左右的資金作為“過渡”),不過他也認為,“從一定程度上說,疫苗消解了盡快推出刺激計劃的緊迫性”。
經(jīng)濟刺激支票“優(yōu)先級較低”
盡管疫苗進展順利,一些經(jīng)濟學家指出,即便一攬子計劃順利通過,可能也不會出臺刺激計劃。
“我認為想說服人們支持(推出更多經(jīng)濟刺激措施)比較困難。尤其當共和黨控制參議院時,幾乎不可能?!奔幽么蠡始毅y行的波切利告訴《財富》雜志,他指的是如果明年1月共和黨在佐治亞州參議院獲得兩個決選席位,兩黨實力膠著的情況。另一方面,聯(lián)博的溫諾格拉德認為,沒有什么情況“不可能出現(xiàn),誰能夠把握準呢?但我認為,與延長失業(yè)救濟金相比,經(jīng)濟刺激的優(yōu)先級較低。”
與此同時,不少經(jīng)濟學家對下一項法案的預期當中,經(jīng)濟刺激計劃地位也不高。波切利、溫諾格拉德和瑞銀全球財富管理(UBS Global Wealth Management)的高級經(jīng)濟學家布賴恩?羅斯都認為,對受影響最嚴重的群體來說,提高失業(yè)救濟和小企業(yè)薪酬保障計劃貸款其實更重要。
調整時期達成協(xié)議?
盡管多數(shù)經(jīng)濟學家普遍認同應該盡快提供更多的援助,但想在2021年前國會人員交替期間通過協(xié)議,似乎是一項艱巨的任務。
可以肯定的是,調整時期達成協(xié)議并非不可能,最近麥康奈爾等人甚至表示,應該在“年底前”達成協(xié)議。但迄今為止佩洛西似乎不愿意在規(guī)模和關鍵問題上讓步,麥康奈爾同樣不愿意。
正如11月9日共和黨參議員羅伊?布朗特所概括的:“雙方都說想推出計劃。但雙方都只想按照自己的意思來。最后如何只能等等看。”
加拿大皇家銀行的波切利說:“最終發(fā)展方向,還有最終哪方能夠得償所愿,都要看疫情狀況。我認為,如果現(xiàn)在開始病例數(shù)更明顯激增,緊迫性就會上升?!?/p>
多位經(jīng)濟學家都認為,比起大選前反復討論的提案,調整期間達成的協(xié)議規(guī)模會小一些,如果真的推到明年,通過與否很大程度上取決于國會構成。
如果國會分裂,共和黨繼續(xù)控制參議院(很多人認為可能性很大),溫諾格拉德認為“大選期間參議院共和黨人都不著急通過刺激法案,民主黨剛上臺時想必更不會熱心?!?/p>
但是,如果民主黨贏得佐治亞州的兩個決選席位,從而控制住參眾兩院,一些經(jīng)濟學家認為,明年年初可能會達成規(guī)模更大的協(xié)議,后續(xù)還可能出臺經(jīng)濟刺激法案。(財富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:馮豐
審校:夏林
With the election in the rearview mirror, leaders on Capitol Hill are back to discussing another economic aid package. But the dynamics of these talks are changing—fast.
Before the election House Speaker Nancy Pelosi was holding firm at her ask for $2.2 trillion, while the White House worked up to its final offer of about $1.9 trillion. But a deal was never reached, and with President Trump having failed in his reelection campaign, fiscally conservative Senate Republicans are sidelining the White House’s offer and looking to pass something with a reduced price tag.
“I don’t think the current situation demands a multitrillion-dollar package,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell told reporters on November 10. “So I think it should be highly targeted, very similar to what I put on the floor in both October and September.” That would likely match the size of the $500 billion “skinny” stimulus package that was blocked twice by Senate Democrats this fall. But a more modest stimulus package means some items could get left out altogether. Indeed, Senate Republicans’ plans have excluded another round of $1,200 stimulus checks from the package—an item both the White House and House Democrats have supported for months.
Two weeks ago, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters a smaller bill “doesn’t appeal” to her, reiterating her stance that the Senate Republicans’ “skinny” bill was a nonstarter for Democrats.
But McConnell taking the reins for Republicans in stimulus negotiationsisn’t the only hurdle facing stimulus checks.
Vaccine hopes could ‘delay’ a package
Another reason more stimulus may be pushed back? An encouraging report from Pfizer and BioNTech on the efficacy of their COVID-19 vaccine, currently in late-stage trials. The vaccine would be great news for the country—but potentially bad news for stimulus talks.
“I worry that for those in Congress who were already squeamish about passing a large stimulus bill, this might encourage them to delay a little bit longer or to pass something smaller because it is good news,” Eric Winograd, senior economist at AllianceBernstein, tells Fortune. “That prospect might encourage a smaller bill, which I don’t think would be the right policy choice.” (He believes $1.5 trillion would better serve the recovery.)
The problem, Winograd notes, is that the promise of a vaccine “a few months from now“ doesn’t help the more than 11.1 million Americans who are currently unemployed. And the latest vaccine developments don’t change the “urgency” for stimulus to renew those expiring benefits.
Tom Porcelli, chief U.S. economist at RBC Capital Markets, doesn’t necessarily think there needs to be a multitrillion-dollar package (he believes something around $700 billion may suffice as a “bridge”), but agrees the vaccine “takes some of the edge off the urgency with getting it done sooner than later.”
Stimulus checks are a ‘lower priority’
Notwithstanding the vaccine, some economists note a stimulus check might not be in the cards at all, even if a package is passed.
“I think [more stimulus checks are] going to be a very hard sell. If you have a Republican Senate, I think that’s almost a nonstarter,” RBC’s Porcelli tells Fortune, referring to the future balance of power if Republicans secure two runoff Senate seats in Georgia come January. AllianceBernstein’s Winograd on the other hand argues that nothing “is off the table, because who really knows? But I would think that is a lower priority item than is extending unemployment benefits.”
Meanwhile, stimulus checks aren’t high up on some economists’ wish lists for the next bill, either: Porcelli, Winograd, and UBS Global Wealth Management senior economist Brian Rose all agree more enhanced unemployment benefits and small-business Paycheck Protection Program loans are more important to aiding the most affected groups.
A lame-duck deal?
While there is broad consensus among most economists that more aid is needed—and soon—getting a deal passed in the lame-duck session before 2021 is looking like a tall order.
To be sure, it’s not impossible a deal could get done in the lame duck, as those like McConnell have even recently said a deal needs to be done “before the end of the year.” But Pelosi thus far doesn’t seem willing to capitulate on the size and key sticking points, and neither does McConnell.
Indeed, Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) outlined it on November 9: “Both sides are saying they want one. But both sides are saying they want the one they want. So we’ll see.”
According to RBC’s Porcelli: “The direction that it goes, and the person that will ultimately end up getting what they want, is going to be entirely contingent on the virus. I think the urgency will rise if case counts really do start to advance from here in a more dramatic way.”
Many economists agree a deal in the lame duck would be smaller than iterations of the bill discussed leading up to the election, but if a deal does get pushed until next year, its passage is largely dependent on the composition of Congress.
If Congress is split and Republicans maintain control of the Senate (a scenario many find most likely), Winograd finds it “hard to believe that Republicans in the Senate who were not eager to pass a stimulus bill in the midst of an electoral campaign would be willing to do so in the early days of a Democratic administration.”
But if Democrats win the two runoff seats in Georgia and clinch control of both the House and Senate, some economists believe that could mean a bigger deal early next year and possibly follow-up stimulus legislation later in the year.