對(duì)華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)的居民而言,1月20日冷清的美國總統(tǒng)就職典禮,不僅讓他們想到了喬?拜登要面臨新冠疫情挑戰(zhàn)這個(gè)令人喜憂參半的事實(shí)。這次典禮還直接影響到了部分人的錢包。
在正常時(shí)期,美國總統(tǒng)就職典禮以及其他聯(lián)邦政府的活動(dòng),不僅對(duì)本地經(jīng)濟(jì)大有裨益,可以大力推動(dòng)當(dāng)?shù)氐穆糜螛I(yè)、酒店預(yù)訂、餐廳銷售額,還能夠給本地企業(yè)帶來許多好處。這體現(xiàn)出美國聯(lián)邦政府與其所在城市之間形成的一種獨(dú)特的共生關(guān)系。但當(dāng)拜登宣誓就任第46屆美國總統(tǒng)的時(shí)候,華盛頓居民將繼續(xù)大聲疾呼,要求改變這種安排,這次或許是近代歷史上規(guī)模最大的一次。
國會(huì)大廈騷亂和聯(lián)邦政府遲遲未能部署國民警衛(wèi)隊(duì),使得當(dāng)?shù)孛癖娨笫谟枞A盛頓特區(qū)州地位的呼聲高漲。數(shù)十年來,當(dāng)?shù)孛癖妼?duì)于特區(qū)在國會(huì)缺少政治代表一直心懷不滿,除此之外,這一次人們主要關(guān)注的是安全問題。但收入問題肯定也影響了人們的立場(chǎng)。有人認(rèn)為,哥倫比亞特區(qū)獲得州地位的所有權(quán)力,肯定會(huì)帶來巨大的好處,而且這種設(shè)想并非異想天開,因?yàn)樘貐^(qū)有71萬人口,超過了佛蒙特州和懷俄明州的人口。
哥倫比亞特區(qū)兩位無表決權(quán)的美國參議員之一保羅?施特勞斯在接受《財(cái)富》雜志采訪時(shí)說:“我們可以將資源投入到合適的領(lǐng)域。長期以來,許多國會(huì)議員利用他們的職權(quán)控制預(yù)算,對(duì)我們?cè)斐闪藗??!?/p>
1973年通過的《哥倫比亞特區(qū)自治法》(District of Columbia Home Rule Act)不僅剝奪了特區(qū)代表在國會(huì)的表決權(quán),還要求國會(huì)保留對(duì)特區(qū)本地預(yù)算的控制權(quán)。國會(huì)曾經(jīng)多次行使這項(xiàng)權(quán)力做出令本地居民失望的決定,包括阻止特區(qū)使用地方資金資助減少艾滋病傳播的針頭交換項(xiàng)目、資助醫(yī)療補(bǔ)助接受者墮胎,以及對(duì)大麻銷售的稅收和監(jiān)管制度,盡管本地在2014年以壓倒性票數(shù)將大麻合法化。
盡管如此,特區(qū)居民的人均聯(lián)邦納稅額卻是全國最高。特區(qū)居民繳納的聯(lián)邦所得稅總額超過了其他22個(gè)州的居民,但他們對(duì)如何使用這筆稅款卻沒有發(fā)言權(quán)。2020年3月,隨著疫情日益嚴(yán)重,為了振興經(jīng)濟(jì),聯(lián)邦議員通過了2萬億美元《冠狀病毒援助、救濟(jì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)安全法案》(CARES Act),這時(shí)哥倫比亞特區(qū)居民的不滿再次達(dá)到了頂點(diǎn)。根據(jù)該法案,每個(gè)州獲得了至少12.5億美元,但哥倫比亞特區(qū)僅得到了5億美元。
施特勞斯提到哥倫比亞特區(qū)變成了21世紀(jì)的科技中心。他認(rèn)為,哥倫比亞特區(qū)獲得州地位對(duì)全國有益。2018年,亞馬遜(Amazon)將第二總部選在了弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓,這里位于哥倫比亞特區(qū)的郊區(qū)。施特勞斯表示:“市場(chǎng)有理由選擇這個(gè)區(qū)域,但它們選擇盡可能靠近哥倫比亞特區(qū)的地方,卻不選擇特區(qū)本身,肯定是有原因的?!彼凳境鞘兄行膹?fù)雜的政治。
哥倫比亞特區(qū)是一個(gè)相對(duì)較小的、純粹的城市區(qū)域。有學(xué)者曾經(jīng)考慮過它的地位帶來的經(jīng)濟(jì)效益是否超過成本。在《威廉與瑪麗比爾人權(quán)法案雜志》(William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal)2014年發(fā)表的一篇論文中,法律教授戴維?施萊克爾分析了哥倫比亞特區(qū)成為新哥倫比亞州的情景。施萊克爾承認(rèn),獲得州地位將讓特區(qū)獲得更多征稅權(quán),并且可能不再受到限制該市建筑高度的1910年《建筑高度法案》(Height of Buildings Act)的約束,反過來將帶來更多增長和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的成功。
但施萊克爾警告稱:“……這些好處需要付出代價(jià):作為只有一個(gè)城市組成的州,新哥倫比亞在經(jīng)濟(jì)下行時(shí)會(huì)面臨嚴(yán)重風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。新哥倫比亞完全位于一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)區(qū)域,而且它是該區(qū)域唯一的中心城市,這意味著一旦發(fā)生區(qū)域性的和與城市形態(tài)相關(guān)的沖擊,這個(gè)州必定會(huì)面臨巨大的財(cái)務(wù)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。”
施萊克爾補(bǔ)充說:“此外,各州經(jīng)常會(huì)將成功地區(qū)的收入重新分配到落后地區(qū),以減輕區(qū)域經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,但新哥倫比亞沒有這種能力。而且,一旦發(fā)生金融災(zāi)難,新哥倫比亞也無法根據(jù)《破產(chǎn)法》第9章申請(qǐng)破產(chǎn),因?yàn)樗纳矸菔且粋€(gè)州而不是一個(gè)城市?!?/p>
2009年,布魯金斯學(xué)會(huì)(Brookings Institution)在哥倫比亞特區(qū)議會(huì)作證時(shí),白宮管理和預(yù)算辦公室(White House Office of Management and Budget)前主任、國會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室(Congressional Budget Office)第一任主任愛麗絲?瑞福林總結(jié)道:“獲得州地位在財(cái)政上的優(yōu)點(diǎn)和缺點(diǎn)產(chǎn)生的凈效應(yīng),存在極大的不確定性?!?/p>
瑞福林補(bǔ)充說:“我認(rèn)為,獲得州地位會(huì)給特區(qū)帶來積極的凈財(cái)政效益,因?yàn)樗鼘@得對(duì)非居民收入征稅的權(quán)力(聯(lián)邦政府所在地除外),但失去1997年《振興法案》(Revitalization Act)的撥款將抵消很大一部分收益?!薄墩衽d法案》為哥倫比亞特區(qū)的法院系統(tǒng)提供聯(lián)邦資金。
然而,最近拜登總統(tǒng)在推文中表示支持哥倫比亞特區(qū)成為美國第51個(gè)州,助長了特區(qū)爭取州地位的氣勢(shì)。這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)得到了大部分民主黨人的支持,如今民主黨掌控了總統(tǒng)、參議院和眾議院。雖然有反駁的聲音認(rèn)為共和黨人會(huì)阻礙通過任何這類立法,但有人表示州地位能夠以合法的方式避開共和黨人的反對(duì)。隨著民主黨掌權(quán)并準(zhǔn)備按照他們的設(shè)想治理這個(gè)國家,哥倫比亞特區(qū)能否獲得州地位將成為一次有趣的政治操控能力的較量。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍
審校:汪皓
對(duì)華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)的居民而言,1月20日冷清的美國總統(tǒng)就職典禮,不僅讓他們想到了喬?拜登要面臨新冠疫情挑戰(zhàn)這個(gè)令人喜憂參半的事實(shí)。這次典禮還直接影響到了部分人的錢包。
在正常時(shí)期,美國總統(tǒng)就職典禮以及其他聯(lián)邦政府的活動(dòng),不僅對(duì)本地經(jīng)濟(jì)大有裨益,可以大力推動(dòng)當(dāng)?shù)氐穆糜螛I(yè)、酒店預(yù)訂、餐廳銷售額,還能夠給本地企業(yè)帶來許多好處。這體現(xiàn)出美國聯(lián)邦政府與其所在城市之間形成的一種獨(dú)特的共生關(guān)系。但當(dāng)拜登宣誓就任第46屆美國總統(tǒng)的時(shí)候,華盛頓居民將繼續(xù)大聲疾呼,要求改變這種安排,這次或許是近代歷史上規(guī)模最大的一次。
國會(huì)大廈騷亂和聯(lián)邦政府遲遲未能部署國民警衛(wèi)隊(duì),使得當(dāng)?shù)孛癖娨笫谟枞A盛頓特區(qū)州地位的呼聲高漲。數(shù)十年來,當(dāng)?shù)孛癖妼?duì)于特區(qū)在國會(huì)缺少政治代表一直心懷不滿,除此之外,這一次人們主要關(guān)注的是安全問題。但收入問題肯定也影響了人們的立場(chǎng)。有人認(rèn)為,哥倫比亞特區(qū)獲得州地位的所有權(quán)力,肯定會(huì)帶來巨大的好處,而且這種設(shè)想并非異想天開,因?yàn)樘貐^(qū)有71萬人口,超過了佛蒙特州和懷俄明州的人口。
哥倫比亞特區(qū)兩位無表決權(quán)的美國參議員之一保羅?施特勞斯在接受《財(cái)富》雜志采訪時(shí)說:“我們可以將資源投入到合適的領(lǐng)域。長期以來,許多國會(huì)議員利用他們的職權(quán)控制預(yù)算,對(duì)我們?cè)斐闪藗??!?/p>
1973年通過的《哥倫比亞特區(qū)自治法》(District of Columbia Home Rule Act)不僅剝奪了特區(qū)代表在國會(huì)的表決權(quán),還要求國會(huì)保留對(duì)特區(qū)本地預(yù)算的控制權(quán)。國會(huì)曾經(jīng)多次行使這項(xiàng)權(quán)力做出令本地居民失望的決定,包括阻止特區(qū)使用地方資金資助減少艾滋病傳播的針頭交換項(xiàng)目、資助醫(yī)療補(bǔ)助接受者墮胎,以及對(duì)大麻銷售的稅收和監(jiān)管制度,盡管本地在2014年以壓倒性票數(shù)將大麻合法化。
盡管如此,特區(qū)居民的人均聯(lián)邦納稅額卻是全國最高。特區(qū)居民繳納的聯(lián)邦所得稅總額超過了其他22個(gè)州的居民,但他們對(duì)如何使用這筆稅款卻沒有發(fā)言權(quán)。2020年3月,隨著疫情日益嚴(yán)重,為了振興經(jīng)濟(jì),聯(lián)邦議員通過了2萬億美元《冠狀病毒援助、救濟(jì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)安全法案》(CARES Act),這時(shí)哥倫比亞特區(qū)居民的不滿再次達(dá)到了頂點(diǎn)。根據(jù)該法案,每個(gè)州獲得了至少12.5億美元,但哥倫比亞特區(qū)僅得到了5億美元。
施特勞斯提到哥倫比亞特區(qū)變成了21世紀(jì)的科技中心。他認(rèn)為,哥倫比亞特區(qū)獲得州地位對(duì)全國有益。2018年,亞馬遜(Amazon)將第二總部選在了弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓,這里位于哥倫比亞特區(qū)的郊區(qū)。施特勞斯表示:“市場(chǎng)有理由選擇這個(gè)區(qū)域,但它們選擇盡可能靠近哥倫比亞特區(qū)的地方,卻不選擇特區(qū)本身,肯定是有原因的?!彼凳境鞘兄行膹?fù)雜的政治。
哥倫比亞特區(qū)是一個(gè)相對(duì)較小的、純粹的城市區(qū)域。有學(xué)者曾經(jīng)考慮過它的地位帶來的經(jīng)濟(jì)效益是否超過成本。在《威廉與瑪麗比爾人權(quán)法案雜志》(William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal)2014年發(fā)表的一篇論文中,法律教授戴維?施萊克爾分析了哥倫比亞特區(qū)成為新哥倫比亞州的情景。施萊克爾承認(rèn),獲得州地位將讓特區(qū)獲得更多征稅權(quán),并且可能不再受到限制該市建筑高度的1910年《建筑高度法案》(Height of Buildings Act)的約束,反過來將帶來更多增長和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的成功。
但施萊克爾警告稱:“……這些好處需要付出代價(jià):作為只有一個(gè)城市組成的州,新哥倫比亞在經(jīng)濟(jì)下行時(shí)會(huì)面臨嚴(yán)重風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。新哥倫比亞完全位于一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)區(qū)域,而且它是該區(qū)域唯一的中心城市,這意味著一旦發(fā)生區(qū)域性的和與城市形態(tài)相關(guān)的沖擊,這個(gè)州必定會(huì)面臨巨大的財(cái)務(wù)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)?!?
施萊克爾補(bǔ)充說:“此外,各州經(jīng)常會(huì)將成功地區(qū)的收入重新分配到落后地區(qū),以減輕區(qū)域經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,但新哥倫比亞沒有這種能力。而且,一旦發(fā)生金融災(zāi)難,新哥倫比亞也無法根據(jù)《破產(chǎn)法》第9章申請(qǐng)破產(chǎn),因?yàn)樗纳矸菔且粋€(gè)州而不是一個(gè)城市。”
2009年,布魯金斯學(xué)會(huì)(Brookings Institution)在哥倫比亞特區(qū)議會(huì)作證時(shí),白宮管理和預(yù)算辦公室(White House Office of Management and Budget)前主任、國會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室(Congressional Budget Office)第一任主任愛麗絲?瑞福林總結(jié)道:“獲得州地位在財(cái)政上的優(yōu)點(diǎn)和缺點(diǎn)產(chǎn)生的凈效應(yīng),存在極大的不確定性?!?/p>
瑞福林補(bǔ)充說:“我認(rèn)為,獲得州地位會(huì)給特區(qū)帶來積極的凈財(cái)政效益,因?yàn)樗鼘@得對(duì)非居民收入征稅的權(quán)力(聯(lián)邦政府所在地除外),但失去1997年《振興法案》(Revitalization Act)的撥款將抵消很大一部分收益?!薄墩衽d法案》為哥倫比亞特區(qū)的法院系統(tǒng)提供聯(lián)邦資金。
然而,最近拜登總統(tǒng)在推文中表示支持哥倫比亞特區(qū)成為美國第51個(gè)州,助長了特區(qū)爭取州地位的氣勢(shì)。這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)得到了大部分民主黨人的支持,如今民主黨掌控了總統(tǒng)、參議院和眾議院。雖然有反駁的聲音認(rèn)為共和黨人會(huì)阻礙通過任何這類立法,但有人表示州地位能夠以合法的方式避開共和黨人的反對(duì)。隨著民主黨掌權(quán)并準(zhǔn)備按照他們的設(shè)想治理這個(gè)國家,哥倫比亞特區(qū)能否獲得州地位將成為一次有趣的政治操控能力的較量。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍
審校:汪皓
For residents of Washington, D.C., January 20's sparsely-attended inauguration is not just a bittersweet reminder of the coronavirus challenge Joe Biden faces. It is also, for some, a direct shot to their wallets.
Inaugurations and other federal events in good times are a boon to the local economy—a key driver of tourism, hotel bookings, restaurant sales, and benefits to a variety of the city's businesses. It reflects the unique, symbiotic-of-sorts relationship between the federal government and its municipal host. Yet, when Biden is sworn in as the 46th President, Washingtonians, perhaps more than any time in recent history, will continue clamoring to break away from this particular arrangement.
The Capitol riots and the federal government's delayed response in deploying the National Guard intensified demands to grant statehood to D.C. Security issues were at the forefront, adding another layer to the decades-long complaint over the district's lack of political representation in Congress. But money will certainly be taken into consideration, too. D.C., some feel, stands to gain a lot if the city was granted the full powers of statehood, a possibility not too absurd when considering its population of 710,000 surpasses that of Vermont and Wyoming.
"It will allow us to invest our resources where we see fit. For too long, members of Congress have used their ability to control budget to our detriment," said Paul Strauss, one of D.C.'s two non-voting U.S. senators, in an interview with Fortune.
In addition to stripping the voting ability of D.C.'s representatives in Congress, the 1973 District of Columbia Home Rule Act requires Congress to retain authority over the District's local budget. On several occasions, Congress has exercised this ability to the dismay of local residents—blocking D.C. from using its own money to fund HIV transmission-reducing needle exchange programs, abortions for Medicaid recipients, and a tax and regulation system for marijuana sales despite an overwhelming local 2014 vote legalizing the drug.
Despite this, D.C. residents pay the highest federal taxes per capita than anywhere else in the country. In total, its residents pay more in federal income tax than residents of 22 other states, yet they do not have a say over how those tax dollars are spent. The issue recently came to a head again in March 2020 when federal lawmakers passed the $2 trillion CARES Act to revitalize the economy as the pandemic took hold. Each state was guaranteed a minimum of $1.25 billion; D.C. only received $500 million.
Adding D.C. to the union would be advantageous to the country as a whole, Strauss argued, citing D.C.'s emergence as a technology hub in the 21st century. Amazon in 2018 selected Arlington, Virginia, a suburb of the district, as the location of its second headquarters. "There's a reason why the market has picked the region, and there's probably a reason they picked as close as possible to D.C., but not in D.C. itself," he said, alluding to the complicated politics of the city-proper.
Yet D.C.'s status as a relatively small, entirely-urban area, has left some scholars torn on whether the economic benefits outweigh the costs. In a 2014 paper in the William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal, law professor David Schleicher examined the potential scenario of a D.C. state named New Columbia. Such a state, Schleicher conceded, would grant the district more taxing power and likely be free from the confines of the 1910 Height of Buildings Act, which limits the height of structures in the city—allowing in turn for more growth and economic success.
But, Schleicher warned, "...such benefits come at a price: as a single-city state, New Columbia would face drastic risks in times of downturn. The fact that New Columbia would be entirely in one economic region, and the fact that it would exclusively be the center city of that region, would mean almost necessarily that the state would face substantial financial risks in the case of regional and urban-form related shocks."
"Moreover," Schleicher added, "states frequently redistribute money from successful parts of the state to the unsuccessful to mitigate regional downturns: New Columbia would not have this ability. Whats more, in the event of financial catastrophe, New Columbia would also be ineligible for Chapter 9 bankruptcy, in so far as it would be a state and not a municipality."
In a 2009 Brookings Institution testimony for the Council of the District of Columbia, Alice Rivlin, a former director of the White House Office of Management and Budget and founding Director of the Congressional Budget Office, concluded that "the net effect of all these fiscal positives and negatives associated with statehood is extremely uncertain."
"My guess is that statehood would bring positive net fiscal benefits to the District, provided it included the power to tax non-resident income (except for a federal enclave)," Rivlin added, "although losing the savings from the Revitalization Act of 1997"—which provides federal funding to D.C.'s court system—"would offset a large fraction of the gain."
Nevertheless, the movement for D.C. statehood continues to gain steam, with President Biden recently tweeting out his support for the district to become the 51st state. The movement enjoys support from most Democrats, who now hold the presidency, Senate, and the House of Representatives. And despite counterarguments that Republicans will simply filibuster any such legislation, some argue statehood would be able to legally bypass that measure. It sets up an intriguing showdown of political maneuvering as Democrats take power and look to shape the country in their favor.