就在兩天前,特朗普(Trump)總統(tǒng)似乎即將在11月5日大獲全勝。但出乎意料的是,前幕僚長約翰·F·凱利(John F. Kelly)對特朗普發(fā)起了猛烈的批評,突然扭轉(zhuǎn)了卡瑪拉·哈里斯(Kamala Harris)長達(dá)一個(gè)月的下滑趨勢。但凱利的重磅炸彈,以及可能為哈里斯競選帶來利好的其他最新消息,是否收效甚微,為時(shí)已晚,無法挽回副總統(tǒng)的選情呢?
據(jù)知名數(shù)據(jù)科學(xué)家托馬斯·米勒(Thomas Miller)稱,距離2024年大選還有不到10天,目前的情況仍不穩(wěn)定。
在過去的兩個(gè)月里,筆者一直在密切關(guān)注西北大學(xué)(Northwestern University)教授米勒的預(yù)測。事實(shí)證明,米勒的預(yù)測在2020年總統(tǒng)大選以及兩個(gè)月后舉行的兩次佐治亞州參議院決選中,都被證明準(zhǔn)確無誤。在前者中,米勒的預(yù)測不僅完全正確,而且比當(dāng)時(shí)的民調(diào)結(jié)果更為接近實(shí)際選舉結(jié)果。他預(yù)測拜登將以12張選舉人票的優(yōu)勢獲勝。在佐治亞州的兩場選舉中,共和黨人凱利·勒夫勒(Kelly Loeffler)和大衛(wèi)·普渡(David Purdue)分別對陣?yán)碃枴の种Z克(Raphael Warnock)和喬恩·奧索夫(Jon Ossoff),選舉日前一周的民調(diào)都預(yù)測,兩位共和黨候選人都將輕松獲勝,從而確保該黨對參議院的控制。米勒的分析顯示,熱門候選人將遭遇決定性的失敗。這位數(shù)據(jù)科學(xué)家敲響了警鐘,將這兩場選舉的勝負(fù)差距精確地控制在0.2個(gè)百分點(diǎn)之內(nèi)。
在參議院選舉中,米勒使用了將民調(diào)數(shù)據(jù)與預(yù)測市場相結(jié)合的預(yù)測工具。他是后者的堅(jiān)定支持者。這一次,他僅依賴投注者基于他們認(rèn)為會勝出的候選人所下的賠率,而非他們計(jì)劃投票的候選人。他的數(shù)據(jù)來源是PredictIt,這是一個(gè)備受信賴的政治投注平臺;該網(wǎng)站每天的平均交易量高達(dá)3.9萬。米勒運(yùn)用自己的方法對PredictIt的每日價(jià)格進(jìn)行了調(diào)整。例如,網(wǎng)站上絕大多數(shù)男性用戶支持美國共和黨。米勒計(jì)算出這種偏差的大小,并據(jù)此調(diào)整數(shù)字,以獲得他認(rèn)為最準(zhǔn)確的讀數(shù)。
簡而言之,米勒系統(tǒng)發(fā)現(xiàn),PredicIt的價(jià)格與普選票的分配之間存在著很強(qiáng)的相關(guān)性。他的研究還表明,自1960年以來的所有總統(tǒng)選舉中,每位候選人在全美范圍內(nèi)獲得的選票比例與其獲得的選舉人票數(shù)非常接近。米勒每天都會將PredictIt的價(jià)格輸入模型,以計(jì)算出選舉人票數(shù)。午夜時(shí)分,他會在自己的主頁”Virtual Tout”上公布詳細(xì)的分析結(jié)果。
筆者認(rèn)為米勒的模型評是衡量選舉結(jié)果的最佳方法之一,原因很簡單:它消除了民調(diào)和權(quán)威人士的干擾,將所有相互矛盾的信息簡化為每位候選人在任何特定時(shí)刻的單一選舉人票數(shù),而這些選票是由那些愿意拿自己的錢來下注的人決定的。他的平臺類似于股票和債券市場,所有投資者的不同觀點(diǎn)都會被權(quán)衡并以單一價(jià)格形式(比如微軟(Microsoft)或標(biāo)準(zhǔn)普爾500指數(shù))表達(dá)出來。
這次選舉可謂是一場令人目眩的過山車之旅,在8月和9月經(jīng)歷選票暴跌的候選人已實(shí)現(xiàn)大幅反彈
“Virtual Tout”10月22日的結(jié)果是近期一系列令人震驚的預(yù)測的最新例證:結(jié)果顯示,特朗普以154票的優(yōu)勢領(lǐng)先,346對192。米勒驚嘆道:“在短短一個(gè)月內(nèi),使用相同模型和PredictIt‘投資者池’的預(yù)測結(jié)果發(fā)生了徹底的逆轉(zhuǎn)。”9月20日,哈里斯似乎還穩(wěn)操勝券。她以337張選舉人票領(lǐng)先特朗普的201張。然而,在隨后的32天內(nèi),選舉人票數(shù)卻出現(xiàn)了戲劇性的轉(zhuǎn)變,特朗普因此獲得了額外的252張選舉人票。哈里斯在辯論中的出色表現(xiàn)讓她的票數(shù)在隨后幾天達(dá)到頂峰,而這場競選的形勢也隨之成為了其當(dāng)前狀態(tài)的映射。
即使在最近的動(dòng)蕩之前,每位候選人看起來都有望取得壓倒性勝利,特朗普一度領(lǐng)先,而哈里斯則兩次領(lǐng)先。在辯論結(jié)束后的幾天里,前總統(tǒng)特朗普在民調(diào)中明顯領(lǐng)先于喬·拜登(Joe Biden)。然后,在拜登7月21日退出競選后,副總統(tǒng)的支持率在隨后的一周半時(shí)間里遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于獲勝所需的270票。特朗普在7月21日出席全國黑人記者協(xié)會會議時(shí),誤稱他的對手在種族問題上誤導(dǎo)了選民,此后選情發(fā)生了戲劇性的變化。那天,哈里斯一舉領(lǐng)先,并在接下來的兩個(gè)多月里保持優(yōu)勢。她在8月中旬民主黨全國代表大會期間達(dá)到了第一個(gè)高峰,然后特朗普逐漸恢復(fù)了競爭力,在9月10日辯論前將差距縮小到約12張選舉人票。特朗普在費(fèi)城的辯論中表現(xiàn)不佳,導(dǎo)致他的支持率大幅下降,而哈里斯從那天起一直到10月1日都保持著300張選舉人票的優(yōu)勢。
直到10月7日,也就是兩個(gè)多星期前,特朗普才在兩個(gè)多月的時(shí)間里首次占據(jù)上風(fēng),以2張選舉人票的優(yōu)勢領(lǐng)先。從那時(shí)起,這位共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人的支持率開始上升。到10月11日,他的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢擴(kuò)大到70張選舉人票,但五天后又回落至42票。這種差距的縮小只是短暫的波動(dòng)。在不到一周的時(shí)間里,特朗普的票數(shù)優(yōu)勢又翻了一番多,達(dá)到了10月22日的154票。
凱利的指控給哈里斯帶來了巨大提振,這一提振既出乎意料,又恰逢其時(shí)
在特朗普的票數(shù)優(yōu)勢達(dá)到150多的峰值當(dāng)天,凱利將軍譴責(zé)特朗普是一個(gè)反復(fù)無常的業(yè)余選手,不適合擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)。在10月22日發(fā)表于《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》的文章中,凱利宣稱特朗普“符合法西斯主義的一般定義”,“傾向于采用獨(dú)裁的執(zhí)政方式,而不是政府管理方式”。這篇文章第二天引起了媒體的爆炸性報(bào)道。這位前海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)將軍曾在2017年和2018年擔(dān)任前總統(tǒng)的幕僚長長達(dá)17個(gè)月時(shí)間,他說,特朗普最終“尋求權(quán)力以為所欲為”。凱利進(jìn)一步聲稱,特朗普曾向他發(fā)表過對阿道夫·希特勒(Adolf Hitler)的正面評論,他在同一天發(fā)表在《大西洋月刊》上的一篇文章中也提出了這一指控。
特朗普反擊稱,凱利是“一個(gè)徹頭徹尾的墮落者”和“卑鄙小人”,指責(zé)他編造這個(gè)故事“完全是出于精神錯(cuò)亂和對特朗普的憎恨”。卡瑪拉·哈里斯則抓住了這個(gè)機(jī)會,利用凱利對特朗普的抨擊。這位副總統(tǒng)說:“這是通過最了解他的人來洞察唐納德·特朗普真實(shí)本性的機(jī)會?!彼a(bǔ)充說,凱利的觀點(diǎn)再次證實(shí)特朗普“越來越精神錯(cuò)亂和不穩(wěn)定”。
凱利對特朗普的尖銳批評使得哈里斯在PredictIt上的賠率有所提升,因此也顯著提升了她在米勒的“Virtual Tout”中的排名。10月23日,星期三,哈里斯的選舉人票數(shù)增加了22張,從192張上升到214張,而特朗普則相應(yīng)地失去了22張票數(shù),從346張減少到324張,這使他的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢從154張降至110張。哈里斯的支持率增長幅度雖然沒有辯論當(dāng)天35張選舉人票的漲幅那么顯著。但這是她自那以來首次獲得的單日大幅增長,目前來看,在經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)月的連續(xù)下滑之后,哈里斯的支持率重新回到了上升軌道。
在米勒和艾倫·利希特曼(Allan Lichtman)等其他專家看來,基本面與數(shù)據(jù)相矛盾
對米勒來說,當(dāng)前的問題是,這場選舉的“基本面”發(fā)生了變化——?jiǎng)P利的全面譴責(zé)和特朗普的激烈回應(yīng)——是否會體現(xiàn)在他所認(rèn)為的最能反映選舉走向的“技術(shù)性”指標(biāo)(反映在選舉人票預(yù)測結(jié)果中)上。
米勒在預(yù)測選舉時(shí)對“技術(shù)”分析和“基本面”分析進(jìn)行了區(qū)分,并指出這兩種分析體系目前得出的結(jié)論相互矛盾。他強(qiáng)調(diào),這些方法不僅適用于政治領(lǐng)域,也適用于金融市場。在金融市場中,它們通常被用來預(yù)測股票和債券的未來價(jià)格走勢。在評估證券時(shí),“技術(shù)”分析會識別出市場趨勢和長期重復(fù)出現(xiàn)的模式,從而形成價(jià)格走向的路線圖?!盎久妗狈治鲋攸c(diǎn)研究歷史上決定公司股票或指數(shù)走勢的基本因素,包括對利潤、收入、回購和研發(fā)等方面的預(yù)測。
在選舉預(yù)測中,技術(shù)分析通過分析民意調(diào)查和投注網(wǎng)站收集的數(shù)據(jù),并對其進(jìn)行優(yōu)化處理,以“科學(xué)”的方式計(jì)算出每位候選人獲勝的概率。這種方法嚴(yán)重依賴于統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù),而忽略了諸如候選人的政策立場、個(gè)人魅力以及選舉時(shí)期的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況等“基本面”因素。歷史經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明,采取中間立場、傳遞充滿希望和包容的積極信息,以及展現(xiàn)卓越的品格特質(zhì)等策略,往往能夠助力候選人贏得選舉。
這次情況不同。在特朗普支持率大幅飆升之后,米勒認(rèn)為基本面和技術(shù)面之間存在巨大脫節(jié)。他對《財(cái)富》雜志表示:“我無法從政治智慧或兩位候選人競選方式的基本面來解釋我們所看到的情況?!彼凇盫irtual Tout”網(wǎng)站上補(bǔ)充說:“共和黨的信息一直是黑暗和反移民的,夾雜著對哈里斯的貶低評論。特朗普誓言,如果贏得2024年大選,他將對對手進(jìn)行報(bào)復(fù)?!毕啾戎拢l(fā)現(xiàn)“民主黨的信息充滿希望和樂觀態(tài)度,強(qiáng)調(diào)團(tuán)結(jié)而不是分裂?!?/p>
在米勒看來,特朗普是一個(gè)極右翼極端分子,他所倡導(dǎo)的綱領(lǐng)比1964年導(dǎo)致巴里·戈德華特(Barry Goldwater)競選失敗的非主流、極端保守主義議程還要激進(jìn)。米勒指出,林登·約翰遜(Lyndon Johnson,當(dāng)年以壓倒性優(yōu)勢獲勝)所持的中左立場與哈里斯今年的溫和立場類似。因此,根據(jù)基本面分析,米勒認(rèn)為哈里斯應(yīng)該能夠獲勝,而且是大獲全勝。
米勒非常推崇“美國選舉先知”、美利堅(jiān)大學(xué)(American University)歷史學(xué)教授艾倫·利希特曼的預(yù)測。自1982年以來,利希特曼在每次總統(tǒng)大選中都能準(zhǔn)確預(yù)測出獲勝者,包括2016年特朗普意外擊敗希拉里·克林頓(Hillary Clinton)。他有力地論證,揭示選舉真相的是基本面,而非數(shù)據(jù)。利希特曼的模型聲稱,十三個(gè)基礎(chǔ)性驅(qū)動(dòng)因素或“鑰匙”決定誰能獲得270張或以上的選舉人票,從而獲得通往白宮的鑰匙。挑戰(zhàn)者必須滿足至少6個(gè)條件才能獲勝。這些條件包括:現(xiàn)任政黨的候選人在提名中是否面臨嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn),以及目前經(jīng)濟(jì)是否處于衰退狀態(tài)。
在利希特曼看來,哈里斯在這兩個(gè)關(guān)鍵指標(biāo)上得分,并額外獲得了7把鑰匙。特朗普只獲得了4把。他認(rèn)為,目前顯示副總統(tǒng)陷入困境的民調(diào)毫無意義,因?yàn)樗鼈冎辽儆?2個(gè)百分點(diǎn)的“誤差”。他在最近的一次采訪中表示:“民調(diào)應(yīng)該付之一炬?!崩L芈拿褚庹{(diào)查和像納特·西爾弗(Nate Silver)這樣的著名預(yù)測者的例子,指出他們在2016年預(yù)測克林頓獲勝時(shí)犯了“根本性錯(cuò)誤”。利希特曼認(rèn)為,在特朗普與克林頓的對決中,民調(diào)機(jī)構(gòu)大大低估了共和黨的投票實(shí)力,而今年,他們又低估了民主黨在投票箱前的實(shí)際實(shí)力。他舉例說,在2022年中期選舉和隨后的特別選舉中,民主黨的表現(xiàn)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過了民調(diào)機(jī)構(gòu)的預(yù)測。利希特曼說,哈里斯已經(jīng)鎖定了基本面,而且無論民調(diào)和投注賠率如何,基本面總是占上風(fēng)。
米勒認(rèn)同利希特曼的觀點(diǎn),即過去選舉的邏輯傾向于支持哈里斯勝選,但他堅(jiān)持依據(jù)數(shù)據(jù)做出判斷
米勒與利希特曼一樣,對民意調(diào)查表示擔(dān)憂。他對利希特曼的推理和預(yù)測記錄印象深刻,盡管如此,米勒提出了不同的觀點(diǎn)。他說,最近的全美民意調(diào)查正在“迎頭趕上”,并加強(qiáng)投注賠率。截至10月23日,RealClear Politics的平均數(shù)據(jù)顯示,特朗普僅落后0.2%,而在10月5日,特朗普還落后2個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。米勒警告說,民主黨需要在11月5日的普選中獲得更大的優(yōu)勢,才能扭轉(zhuǎn)選舉團(tuán)的選舉結(jié)果。
這位數(shù)據(jù)專家同樣關(guān)注利希特曼的“鑰匙”(他認(rèn)為該要素強(qiáng)有力)——美國當(dāng)前的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。在利希特曼看來,這個(gè)因素對哈里斯來說是一大利好,因?yàn)槿绻绹鴽]有陷入經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,“現(xiàn)任者”的優(yōu)勢就會顯著提升。但米勒說,盡管宏觀數(shù)據(jù)顯示經(jīng)濟(jì)表現(xiàn)良好,但普通美國人的實(shí)際感受卻大相徑庭。因此通常對白宮的政黨有利的形勢如今卻適得其反,給副總統(tǒng)帶來了沉重的拖累。他宣稱:“民主黨傳達(dá)的信息是,國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值增長強(qiáng)勁,失業(yè)率低,通脹率下降。他們關(guān)注所有這些積極的指標(biāo)。但大多數(shù)人并不關(guān)心國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值或物價(jià)上漲速度沒有以前那么快。他們關(guān)心的是,為了維持生計(jì)不得不打兩份工,或是在拜登執(zhí)政期間他們的雜貨賬單大幅飆升,以及他們沒有儲蓄,而且由于利率高企,他們無法支付抵押貸款購買第一套住房或用舊車換新車。”
因此,米勒認(rèn)為“沒有陷入經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退”的說法被美國人在日常生活中感受到的美元緊縮所淹沒。他提出了副總統(tǒng)面臨的另外兩個(gè)不利因素。其中一個(gè)是她最近宣稱不會改變拜登總統(tǒng)的任何政策。米勒質(zhì)疑道:"那她怎么能像自己所聲稱的那樣,成為變革的候選人呢?”他還指出,一大批選民厭倦了美國對海外戰(zhàn)爭的支持,擔(dān)心我們將被迫派遣美軍前往戰(zhàn)場。因此,特朗普的孤立主義立場目前比哈里斯傳統(tǒng)的親北約立場更有吸引力,后者主張大力支持以色列對抗哈馬斯,支持烏克蘭抗擊俄羅斯,保衛(wèi)自己的家園。
米勒并不認(rèn)同“PredictIt的價(jià)格極不可靠,應(yīng)該被忽略”的觀點(diǎn),理由是參與投注的主要是支持特朗普的男性群體,他們對前總統(tǒng)獲勝的預(yù)期過于偏頗?!拔也粩嗍盏揭恍┤说泥]件,說'這怎么可能發(fā)生?這無疑是因?yàn)橥蹲⒄叨际悄贻p男性,他們投注的方式和體育博彩一樣,所以他們傾向于共和黨!'"他反駁說,這種傾向并不顯著,他的框架對此進(jìn)行了修正。他宣稱:“請記住,同樣的投資者一個(gè)月前的說法恰恰相反。如果你相信9月20日的結(jié)果,那就沒有理由不相信10月22日的數(shù)字。你不能只否定其中一個(gè),卻全盤接受另一個(gè)。"
那么,他如何評估哈里斯在剩下的幾天內(nèi)縮小差距的可能性,尤其是現(xiàn)在凱利的猛烈抨擊占據(jù)了新聞?lì)^條,并且已經(jīng)拉高了哈里斯之前下降的選舉人票數(shù)?米勒說:“根據(jù)一天的數(shù)據(jù),我們看到競選方向發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)變。預(yù)測市場的交易量正在增加,這表明越來越多的人正在改變主意,轉(zhuǎn)向支持哈里斯。此外,可能有新的投資者進(jìn)入市場?!彼a(bǔ)充說,凱利對特朗普令人不安的描述可能有助于哈里斯構(gòu)建一個(gè)令人信服的終場論點(diǎn)。他說:“這強(qiáng)化了她的信息,即競選不僅關(guān)乎女性權(quán)利,還關(guān)乎所有人的權(quán)利。特朗普對凱利言論的反應(yīng)再次表明,他把對手視為敵人,他的信息是黑暗的?!彼麖?qiáng)調(diào),凱利的情況凸顯了哈里斯在通常決定選舉的基本面上獲勝,但到目前為止,這些因素在2024年的選舉中并沒有引起共鳴。
米勒警告說,我們已經(jīng)在相對較短的時(shí)間內(nèi)見證了巨大的變動(dòng),而在選舉日之前,我們可能還會經(jīng)歷另一次劇烈的變動(dòng),這可能會顯著提升副總統(tǒng)的支持率,尤其是如果拜登團(tuán)隊(duì)能夠突然達(dá)成和解,終結(jié)以色列-哈馬斯沖突或俄烏沖突。最后,米勒指出:“從基本面來看,哈里斯的支持率很高。特朗普不應(yīng)該獲勝,但數(shù)據(jù)仍然表明他會獲勝。”他補(bǔ)充說,盡管如此,這位前總統(tǒng)的地位已不如約翰·凱利重拳出擊的前一天那般穩(wěn)固,那一擊有可能為副總統(tǒng)的岌岌可危的選情帶來轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:中慧言-王芳
就在兩天前,特朗普(Trump)總統(tǒng)似乎即將在11月5日大獲全勝。但出乎意料的是,前幕僚長約翰·F·凱利(John F. Kelly)對特朗普發(fā)起了猛烈的批評,突然扭轉(zhuǎn)了卡瑪拉·哈里斯(Kamala Harris)長達(dá)一個(gè)月的下滑趨勢。但凱利的重磅炸彈,以及可能為哈里斯競選帶來利好的其他最新消息,是否收效甚微,為時(shí)已晚,無法挽回副總統(tǒng)的選情呢?
據(jù)知名數(shù)據(jù)科學(xué)家托馬斯·米勒(Thomas Miller)稱,距離2024年大選還有不到10天,目前的情況仍不穩(wěn)定。
在過去的兩個(gè)月里,筆者一直在密切關(guān)注西北大學(xué)(Northwestern University)教授米勒的預(yù)測。事實(shí)證明,米勒的預(yù)測在2020年總統(tǒng)大選以及兩個(gè)月后舉行的兩次佐治亞州參議院決選中,都被證明準(zhǔn)確無誤。在前者中,米勒的預(yù)測不僅完全正確,而且比當(dāng)時(shí)的民調(diào)結(jié)果更為接近實(shí)際選舉結(jié)果。他預(yù)測拜登將以12張選舉人票的優(yōu)勢獲勝。在佐治亞州的兩場選舉中,共和黨人凱利·勒夫勒(Kelly Loeffler)和大衛(wèi)·普渡(David Purdue)分別對陣?yán)碃枴の种Z克(Raphael Warnock)和喬恩·奧索夫(Jon Ossoff),選舉日前一周的民調(diào)都預(yù)測,兩位共和黨候選人都將輕松獲勝,從而確保該黨對參議院的控制。米勒的分析顯示,熱門候選人將遭遇決定性的失敗。這位數(shù)據(jù)科學(xué)家敲響了警鐘,將這兩場選舉的勝負(fù)差距精確地控制在0.2個(gè)百分點(diǎn)之內(nèi)。
在參議院選舉中,米勒使用了將民調(diào)數(shù)據(jù)與預(yù)測市場相結(jié)合的預(yù)測工具。他是后者的堅(jiān)定支持者。這一次,他僅依賴投注者基于他們認(rèn)為會勝出的候選人所下的賠率,而非他們計(jì)劃投票的候選人。他的數(shù)據(jù)來源是PredictIt,這是一個(gè)備受信賴的政治投注平臺;該網(wǎng)站每天的平均交易量高達(dá)3.9萬。米勒運(yùn)用自己的方法對PredictIt的每日價(jià)格進(jìn)行了調(diào)整。例如,網(wǎng)站上絕大多數(shù)男性用戶支持美國共和黨。米勒計(jì)算出這種偏差的大小,并據(jù)此調(diào)整數(shù)字,以獲得他認(rèn)為最準(zhǔn)確的讀數(shù)。
簡而言之,米勒系統(tǒng)發(fā)現(xiàn),PredicIt的價(jià)格與普選票的分配之間存在著很強(qiáng)的相關(guān)性。他的研究還表明,自1960年以來的所有總統(tǒng)選舉中,每位候選人在全美范圍內(nèi)獲得的選票比例與其獲得的選舉人票數(shù)非常接近。米勒每天都會將PredictIt的價(jià)格輸入模型,以計(jì)算出選舉人票數(shù)。午夜時(shí)分,他會在自己的主頁”Virtual Tout”上公布詳細(xì)的分析結(jié)果。
筆者認(rèn)為米勒的模型評是衡量選舉結(jié)果的最佳方法之一,原因很簡單:它消除了民調(diào)和權(quán)威人士的干擾,將所有相互矛盾的信息簡化為每位候選人在任何特定時(shí)刻的單一選舉人票數(shù),而這些選票是由那些愿意拿自己的錢來下注的人決定的。他的平臺類似于股票和債券市場,所有投資者的不同觀點(diǎn)都會被權(quán)衡并以單一價(jià)格形式(比如微軟(Microsoft)或標(biāo)準(zhǔn)普爾500指數(shù))表達(dá)出來。
這次選舉可謂是一場令人目眩的過山車之旅,在8月和9月經(jīng)歷選票暴跌的候選人已實(shí)現(xiàn)大幅反彈
“Virtual Tout”10月22日的結(jié)果是近期一系列令人震驚的預(yù)測的最新例證:結(jié)果顯示,特朗普以154票的優(yōu)勢領(lǐng)先,346對192。米勒驚嘆道:“在短短一個(gè)月內(nèi),使用相同模型和PredictIt‘投資者池’的預(yù)測結(jié)果發(fā)生了徹底的逆轉(zhuǎn)?!?月20日,哈里斯似乎還穩(wěn)操勝券。她以337張選舉人票領(lǐng)先特朗普的201張。然而,在隨后的32天內(nèi),選舉人票數(shù)卻出現(xiàn)了戲劇性的轉(zhuǎn)變,特朗普因此獲得了額外的252張選舉人票。哈里斯在辯論中的出色表現(xiàn)讓她的票數(shù)在隨后幾天達(dá)到頂峰,而這場競選的形勢也隨之成為了其當(dāng)前狀態(tài)的映射。
即使在最近的動(dòng)蕩之前,每位候選人看起來都有望取得壓倒性勝利,特朗普一度領(lǐng)先,而哈里斯則兩次領(lǐng)先。在辯論結(jié)束后的幾天里,前總統(tǒng)特朗普在民調(diào)中明顯領(lǐng)先于喬·拜登(Joe Biden)。然后,在拜登7月21日退出競選后,副總統(tǒng)的支持率在隨后的一周半時(shí)間里遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于獲勝所需的270票。特朗普在7月21日出席全國黑人記者協(xié)會會議時(shí),誤稱他的對手在種族問題上誤導(dǎo)了選民,此后選情發(fā)生了戲劇性的變化。那天,哈里斯一舉領(lǐng)先,并在接下來的兩個(gè)多月里保持優(yōu)勢。她在8月中旬民主黨全國代表大會期間達(dá)到了第一個(gè)高峰,然后特朗普逐漸恢復(fù)了競爭力,在9月10日辯論前將差距縮小到約12張選舉人票。特朗普在費(fèi)城的辯論中表現(xiàn)不佳,導(dǎo)致他的支持率大幅下降,而哈里斯從那天起一直到10月1日都保持著300張選舉人票的優(yōu)勢。
直到10月7日,也就是兩個(gè)多星期前,特朗普才在兩個(gè)多月的時(shí)間里首次占據(jù)上風(fēng),以2張選舉人票的優(yōu)勢領(lǐng)先。從那時(shí)起,這位共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人的支持率開始上升。到10月11日,他的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢擴(kuò)大到70張選舉人票,但五天后又回落至42票。這種差距的縮小只是短暫的波動(dòng)。在不到一周的時(shí)間里,特朗普的票數(shù)優(yōu)勢又翻了一番多,達(dá)到了10月22日的154票。
凱利的指控給哈里斯帶來了巨大提振,這一提振既出乎意料,又恰逢其時(shí)
在特朗普的票數(shù)優(yōu)勢達(dá)到150多的峰值當(dāng)天,凱利將軍譴責(zé)特朗普是一個(gè)反復(fù)無常的業(yè)余選手,不適合擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)。在10月22日發(fā)表于《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》的文章中,凱利宣稱特朗普“符合法西斯主義的一般定義”,“傾向于采用獨(dú)裁的執(zhí)政方式,而不是政府管理方式”。這篇文章第二天引起了媒體的爆炸性報(bào)道。這位前海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)將軍曾在2017年和2018年擔(dān)任前總統(tǒng)的幕僚長長達(dá)17個(gè)月時(shí)間,他說,特朗普最終“尋求權(quán)力以為所欲為”。凱利進(jìn)一步聲稱,特朗普曾向他發(fā)表過對阿道夫·希特勒(Adolf Hitler)的正面評論,他在同一天發(fā)表在《大西洋月刊》上的一篇文章中也提出了這一指控。
特朗普反擊稱,凱利是“一個(gè)徹頭徹尾的墮落者”和“卑鄙小人”,指責(zé)他編造這個(gè)故事“完全是出于精神錯(cuò)亂和對特朗普的憎恨”。卡瑪拉·哈里斯則抓住了這個(gè)機(jī)會,利用凱利對特朗普的抨擊。這位副總統(tǒng)說:“這是通過最了解他的人來洞察唐納德·特朗普真實(shí)本性的機(jī)會?!彼a(bǔ)充說,凱利的觀點(diǎn)再次證實(shí)特朗普“越來越精神錯(cuò)亂和不穩(wěn)定”。
凱利對特朗普的尖銳批評使得哈里斯在PredictIt上的賠率有所提升,因此也顯著提升了她在米勒的“Virtual Tout”中的排名。10月23日,星期三,哈里斯的選舉人票數(shù)增加了22張,從192張上升到214張,而特朗普則相應(yīng)地失去了22張票數(shù),從346張減少到324張,這使他的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢從154張降至110張。哈里斯的支持率增長幅度雖然沒有辯論當(dāng)天35張選舉人票的漲幅那么顯著。但這是她自那以來首次獲得的單日大幅增長,目前來看,在經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)月的連續(xù)下滑之后,哈里斯的支持率重新回到了上升軌道。
在米勒和艾倫·利希特曼(Allan Lichtman)等其他專家看來,基本面與數(shù)據(jù)相矛盾
對米勒來說,當(dāng)前的問題是,這場選舉的“基本面”發(fā)生了變化——?jiǎng)P利的全面譴責(zé)和特朗普的激烈回應(yīng)——是否會體現(xiàn)在他所認(rèn)為的最能反映選舉走向的“技術(shù)性”指標(biāo)(反映在選舉人票預(yù)測結(jié)果中)上。
米勒在預(yù)測選舉時(shí)對“技術(shù)”分析和“基本面”分析進(jìn)行了區(qū)分,并指出這兩種分析體系目前得出的結(jié)論相互矛盾。他強(qiáng)調(diào),這些方法不僅適用于政治領(lǐng)域,也適用于金融市場。在金融市場中,它們通常被用來預(yù)測股票和債券的未來價(jià)格走勢。在評估證券時(shí),“技術(shù)”分析會識別出市場趨勢和長期重復(fù)出現(xiàn)的模式,從而形成價(jià)格走向的路線圖?!盎久妗狈治鲋攸c(diǎn)研究歷史上決定公司股票或指數(shù)走勢的基本因素,包括對利潤、收入、回購和研發(fā)等方面的預(yù)測。
在選舉預(yù)測中,技術(shù)分析通過分析民意調(diào)查和投注網(wǎng)站收集的數(shù)據(jù),并對其進(jìn)行優(yōu)化處理,以“科學(xué)”的方式計(jì)算出每位候選人獲勝的概率。這種方法嚴(yán)重依賴于統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù),而忽略了諸如候選人的政策立場、個(gè)人魅力以及選舉時(shí)期的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況等“基本面”因素。歷史經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明,采取中間立場、傳遞充滿希望和包容的積極信息,以及展現(xiàn)卓越的品格特質(zhì)等策略,往往能夠助力候選人贏得選舉。
這次情況不同。在特朗普支持率大幅飆升之后,米勒認(rèn)為基本面和技術(shù)面之間存在巨大脫節(jié)。他對《財(cái)富》雜志表示:“我無法從政治智慧或兩位候選人競選方式的基本面來解釋我們所看到的情況?!彼凇盫irtual Tout”網(wǎng)站上補(bǔ)充說:“共和黨的信息一直是黑暗和反移民的,夾雜著對哈里斯的貶低評論。特朗普誓言,如果贏得2024年大選,他將對對手進(jìn)行報(bào)復(fù)?!毕啾戎拢l(fā)現(xiàn)“民主黨的信息充滿希望和樂觀態(tài)度,強(qiáng)調(diào)團(tuán)結(jié)而不是分裂?!?/p>
在米勒看來,特朗普是一個(gè)極右翼極端分子,他所倡導(dǎo)的綱領(lǐng)比1964年導(dǎo)致巴里·戈德華特(Barry Goldwater)競選失敗的非主流、極端保守主義議程還要激進(jìn)。米勒指出,林登·約翰遜(Lyndon Johnson,當(dāng)年以壓倒性優(yōu)勢獲勝)所持的中左立場與哈里斯今年的溫和立場類似。因此,根據(jù)基本面分析,米勒認(rèn)為哈里斯應(yīng)該能夠獲勝,而且是大獲全勝。
米勒非常推崇“美國選舉先知”、美利堅(jiān)大學(xué)(American University)歷史學(xué)教授艾倫·利希特曼的預(yù)測。自1982年以來,利希特曼在每次總統(tǒng)大選中都能準(zhǔn)確預(yù)測出獲勝者,包括2016年特朗普意外擊敗希拉里·克林頓(Hillary Clinton)。他有力地論證,揭示選舉真相的是基本面,而非數(shù)據(jù)。利希特曼的模型聲稱,十三個(gè)基礎(chǔ)性驅(qū)動(dòng)因素或“鑰匙”決定誰能獲得270張或以上的選舉人票,從而獲得通往白宮的鑰匙。挑戰(zhàn)者必須滿足至少6個(gè)條件才能獲勝。這些條件包括:現(xiàn)任政黨的候選人在提名中是否面臨嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn),以及目前經(jīng)濟(jì)是否處于衰退狀態(tài)。
在利希特曼看來,哈里斯在這兩個(gè)關(guān)鍵指標(biāo)上得分,并額外獲得了7把鑰匙。特朗普只獲得了4把。他認(rèn)為,目前顯示副總統(tǒng)陷入困境的民調(diào)毫無意義,因?yàn)樗鼈冎辽儆?2個(gè)百分點(diǎn)的“誤差”。他在最近的一次采訪中表示:“民調(diào)應(yīng)該付之一炬?!崩L芈拿褚庹{(diào)查和像納特·西爾弗(Nate Silver)這樣的著名預(yù)測者的例子,指出他們在2016年預(yù)測克林頓獲勝時(shí)犯了“根本性錯(cuò)誤”。利希特曼認(rèn)為,在特朗普與克林頓的對決中,民調(diào)機(jī)構(gòu)大大低估了共和黨的投票實(shí)力,而今年,他們又低估了民主黨在投票箱前的實(shí)際實(shí)力。他舉例說,在2022年中期選舉和隨后的特別選舉中,民主黨的表現(xiàn)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過了民調(diào)機(jī)構(gòu)的預(yù)測。利希特曼說,哈里斯已經(jīng)鎖定了基本面,而且無論民調(diào)和投注賠率如何,基本面總是占上風(fēng)。
米勒認(rèn)同利希特曼的觀點(diǎn),即過去選舉的邏輯傾向于支持哈里斯勝選,但他堅(jiān)持依據(jù)數(shù)據(jù)做出判斷
米勒與利希特曼一樣,對民意調(diào)查表示擔(dān)憂。他對利希特曼的推理和預(yù)測記錄印象深刻,盡管如此,米勒提出了不同的觀點(diǎn)。他說,最近的全美民意調(diào)查正在“迎頭趕上”,并加強(qiáng)投注賠率。截至10月23日,RealClear Politics的平均數(shù)據(jù)顯示,特朗普僅落后0.2%,而在10月5日,特朗普還落后2個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。米勒警告說,民主黨需要在11月5日的普選中獲得更大的優(yōu)勢,才能扭轉(zhuǎn)選舉團(tuán)的選舉結(jié)果。
這位數(shù)據(jù)專家同樣關(guān)注利希特曼的“鑰匙”(他認(rèn)為該要素強(qiáng)有力)——美國當(dāng)前的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。在利希特曼看來,這個(gè)因素對哈里斯來說是一大利好,因?yàn)槿绻绹鴽]有陷入經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,“現(xiàn)任者”的優(yōu)勢就會顯著提升。但米勒說,盡管宏觀數(shù)據(jù)顯示經(jīng)濟(jì)表現(xiàn)良好,但普通美國人的實(shí)際感受卻大相徑庭。因此通常對白宮的政黨有利的形勢如今卻適得其反,給副總統(tǒng)帶來了沉重的拖累。他宣稱:“民主黨傳達(dá)的信息是,國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值增長強(qiáng)勁,失業(yè)率低,通脹率下降。他們關(guān)注所有這些積極的指標(biāo)。但大多數(shù)人并不關(guān)心國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值或物價(jià)上漲速度沒有以前那么快。他們關(guān)心的是,為了維持生計(jì)不得不打兩份工,或是在拜登執(zhí)政期間他們的雜貨賬單大幅飆升,以及他們沒有儲蓄,而且由于利率高企,他們無法支付抵押貸款購買第一套住房或用舊車換新車。”
因此,米勒認(rèn)為“沒有陷入經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退”的說法被美國人在日常生活中感受到的美元緊縮所淹沒。他提出了副總統(tǒng)面臨的另外兩個(gè)不利因素。其中一個(gè)是她最近宣稱不會改變拜登總統(tǒng)的任何政策。米勒質(zhì)疑道:"那她怎么能像自己所聲稱的那樣,成為變革的候選人呢?”他還指出,一大批選民厭倦了美國對海外戰(zhàn)爭的支持,擔(dān)心我們將被迫派遣美軍前往戰(zhàn)場。因此,特朗普的孤立主義立場目前比哈里斯傳統(tǒng)的親北約立場更有吸引力,后者主張大力支持以色列對抗哈馬斯,支持烏克蘭抗擊俄羅斯,保衛(wèi)自己的家園。
米勒并不認(rèn)同“PredictIt的價(jià)格極不可靠,應(yīng)該被忽略”的觀點(diǎn),理由是參與投注的主要是支持特朗普的男性群體,他們對前總統(tǒng)獲勝的預(yù)期過于偏頗。“我不斷收到一些人的郵件,說'這怎么可能發(fā)生?這無疑是因?yàn)橥蹲⒄叨际悄贻p男性,他們投注的方式和體育博彩一樣,所以他們傾向于共和黨!'"他反駁說,這種傾向并不顯著,他的框架對此進(jìn)行了修正。他宣稱:“請記住,同樣的投資者一個(gè)月前的說法恰恰相反。如果你相信9月20日的結(jié)果,那就沒有理由不相信10月22日的數(shù)字。你不能只否定其中一個(gè),卻全盤接受另一個(gè)。"
那么,他如何評估哈里斯在剩下的幾天內(nèi)縮小差距的可能性,尤其是現(xiàn)在凱利的猛烈抨擊占據(jù)了新聞?lì)^條,并且已經(jīng)拉高了哈里斯之前下降的選舉人票數(shù)?米勒說:“根據(jù)一天的數(shù)據(jù),我們看到競選方向發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)變。預(yù)測市場的交易量正在增加,這表明越來越多的人正在改變主意,轉(zhuǎn)向支持哈里斯。此外,可能有新的投資者進(jìn)入市場。”他補(bǔ)充說,凱利對特朗普令人不安的描述可能有助于哈里斯構(gòu)建一個(gè)令人信服的終場論點(diǎn)。他說:“這強(qiáng)化了她的信息,即競選不僅關(guān)乎女性權(quán)利,還關(guān)乎所有人的權(quán)利。特朗普對凱利言論的反應(yīng)再次表明,他把對手視為敵人,他的信息是黑暗的?!彼麖?qiáng)調(diào),凱利的情況凸顯了哈里斯在通常決定選舉的基本面上獲勝,但到目前為止,這些因素在2024年的選舉中并沒有引起共鳴。
米勒警告說,我們已經(jīng)在相對較短的時(shí)間內(nèi)見證了巨大的變動(dòng),而在選舉日之前,我們可能還會經(jīng)歷另一次劇烈的變動(dòng),這可能會顯著提升副總統(tǒng)的支持率,尤其是如果拜登團(tuán)隊(duì)能夠突然達(dá)成和解,終結(jié)以色列-哈馬斯沖突或俄烏沖突。最后,米勒指出:“從基本面來看,哈里斯的支持率很高。特朗普不應(yīng)該獲勝,但數(shù)據(jù)仍然表明他會獲勝?!彼a(bǔ)充說,盡管如此,這位前總統(tǒng)的地位已不如約翰·凱利重拳出擊的前一天那般穩(wěn)固,那一擊有可能為副總統(tǒng)的岌岌可危的選情帶來轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:中慧言-王芳
Just two days ago, it appeared that President Trump was cruising towards a big win on November 5. But in a twist, his former chief of staff John F. Kelly unleashed a scalding critique of his former boss that suddenly reversed Kamala Harris’ month-long descent. But is the Kelly bombshell—and maybe more late-breaking good news for her campaign—too little, too late to save the VP?
According to noted data scientist Thomas Miller, that’s the unsteady state of the 2024 presidential race with twelve days to go.
For the past two months, this writer’s been closely following the forecasting from Miller, who’s a professor at Northwestern University. Miller’s calls proved dead accurate for both the 2020 presidential election, and the two Georgia Senate runoffs held two months later. In the former, Miller correctly foresaw that the contest was far closer than posited by the late polls, and tagged Biden’s victory within 12 electoral votes. In the Peach State contests pitting Republicans Kelly Loeffler and David Purdue respectively against Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff, the polls held a week before Election Day augured that both GOP candidates would win comfortably, in a twofer securing the party’s control of the upper chamber. Miller’s analysis showed the favorites heading for decisive defeats. The data scientist rang the bell, nailing the margin of victory for the pair of races combined within two tenths of a point.
In those Senate elections, Miller used forecasting tools that blended polling data and prediction markets. But he’s a strong proponent of the latter. This time, he’s exclusively deploying odds based on bettors place not on the candidate they plan to vote for, but the one they think will win. His data source is PredictIt, the most trustworthy platform for political wagering; the site handles giant average trading volumes of 39,000 shares a day. Miller adjusts PredictIt’s daily prices by applying his own methodology. For example, the preponderance of men on the site favor the GOP. Miller calculates the size of that bias, and tweaks the numbers to get what he deems the most accurate read.
Put simply, the Miller system finds that the PredicIt prices display a strong correlation to the popular vote split. His research also shows and that over all presidential elections since 1960, the percentage of nationwide ballots cast for each candidate translates closely to the number of electoral college votes (EVs) they receive. Each day, Miller runs the PredictIt prices through his construct to calculate the EV counts. At midnight, he posts the breakdown on his homepage, The Virtual Tout.
This writer rates Miller’s model among the best methods for gauging the election’s outcome for a simple reason: It banishes the noise from polls and pundits, and distills all the contradictory information out there into, at any one moment, into a single electoral vote count for each candidate set by people putting their own dollars on the line. His platform resembles the markets for stocks and bonds where all the investors’ disparate views get weighed, then expressed as one price, for say, Microsoft or the S&P 500.
This election’s been an dizzying roller coaster ride, and the candidate plunging in August and September rebounded big
The Virtual Tout result for October 22 was the latest in a recent series of shockers: It showed Trump leading by 154 electoral votes, 346 to 192. “In exactly one month, the forecast using the same model and PredictIt ‘investor pool’ underwent a complete reversal,” marvels Miller. On September 20, Harris appeared en route to an easy win. She claimed the 337 EVs to 201 for Trump. In the subsequent 32 days, the tally swung towards the former president by an astounding 252 EVs. The race became a mirror image of its status when Harris’ numbers peaked in the days following her excellent debate performance.
Even before the recent upheaval, each candidate looked poised for a landslide, once for Trump, and twice for Harris. The former president was crushing Joe Biden in the days following their debate. Then, after Biden’s withdrawal on July 21, the Vice President hovered for a week-and-a-half at well below 270 mark needed to win. The outlook changed dramatically after Trump appeared before the National Association of Black Journalists on July 21, and falsely claimed that his opponent misled voters about her race. That day, Harris vaulted ahead, and remained dominant for just over two months. She reached a first peak around the time of the Democratic National Convention in mid-August, then Trump gradually regained his footing, shrinking the gap to around a dozen EVs just before the debate on September 10. His weak performance at the face-off in Philly sent his numbers plummeting once again, and Harris commanded over 300 EVs from that day all the way through October 1.
It wasn’t until October 7, just over two weeks ago, that Trump gained the upper hand for the first time in more than two months, nudging 2 EVs in front. From there, it’s became a liftoff for the GOP standard-bearer. By October 11, the gap grew to 70, but dipped to just 42 EVs five days later. The tightening was short-lived. In less than a week, Trump’s bundle more than tripled to the 154 EV margin reached on October 22.
The Kelly charges gave Harris a big, sudden, sorely-needed boost
The very day Trump hit that 150-plus summit, General Kelly issued his condemnation of Trump as an erratic amateur unfit for the presidency. In a New York Times article published on October 22 that garnered explosive media coverage the next day, Kelly declared that Trump “falls under the general definition of fascism,” and “prefers the dictator approach to government.” According to the retired Marine Corps general, who served as the former president’s chief of staff for 17 months in 2017 and 2018, Trump ultimately “seeks the power to do anything he wants to do.” Kelly further asserted that Trump made positive comments to him about Adolf Hitler, a charge Kelly also made in a piece published the same day in The Atlantic.
Trump fired back, branding Kelly “a total degenerate” and “a lowlife” who invented the story “out of pure Trump Derangement Syndrome Hatred.” Kamala Harris pounced to capitalize on the Kelly pounding. “This is a window into who Donald Trump really is from the people who know him best,” the VP stated, adding that Kelly’s view proves once again that Trump is “increasingly unhinged and unstable.”
Kelly’s blast helped Harris’ odds on PredictIt, and as a result significantly improved her standing on Miller’s Virtual Tout. On Wednesday, October 23, Harris added 22 electoral votes, rising from 192 to 214, and Trump shrank by the same number Harris gained, by 22 from 346 to 324, a fall that shaved his lead from 154 to 110. Harris’ jump wasn’t as big as the 35 EV surge in her favor the day of the debate. But it was the first large, one-day increase she’s gotten since then, and for now, put her back on an upward slope following a month of sharp, virtually continuous decline.
For Miller, and other experts such as Allan Lichtman, the fundamentals contradict the data
For Miller, the question now is whether this change in the race’s “fundamentals”—Kelly’s sweeping denunciation and Trump’s name-calling in response—show up in what he believes best demonstrates where the election’s headed, the best “technicals” reflected in his electoral vote projections.
Miller draws a distinction between “technical” and “fundamental” analysis in predicting elections—and says the takeaways from the two systems now contradict one another. He stresses that these approaches apply in politics as well as financial markets, where they’re routinely deployed in handicapping price future action for stocks and bonds. In assessing securities, the “technicals” identify market trends and patterns that repeat over time, forming a roadmap for where prices are headed. The fundamental focus examines the underlying factors that historically determine the trajectory for a company’s shares or an index, including forecasts for the likes of profits, revenues, buybacks and R&D.
For elections, technical analysis involves crunching data collected from polling or betting sites, and refining the numbers to “scientifically” determine the odds each candidate will win. The deeply stat-dependent approach doesn’t consider such “fundamentals” as the combatants’ policies, personalities, or the economic circumstances at election time. For example, moving to the center, delivering a positive message of hope and inclusion, and displaying sterling character traits have long proven winning strategies.
Not this time. Following Trump’s remarkable surge, Miller perceives a big disconnect between the fundamentals and technicals. “I can’t explain what we’re seeing in terms of political wisdom or the basics of the way the two candidates have run their campaigns,” he told Fortune. He adds on the Virtual Tout site, “The Republican message has been a dark and anti-immigrant message, laced with disparaging comments about Harris. Trump vows to take revenge against his opponents if he wins the 2024 election.” By contrast, he finds that “The Democratic message has been hopeful and upbeat, offering unity rather than division.”
For Miller, Trump is a far-right extremist championing the most radical platform since the out-of-the-mainstream, ultra-conservative agenda that sank Barry Goldwater in 1964. Miller notes that overwhelming winner Lyndon Johnson occupied a center-left position similar to Harris’ moderate stance this year. Hence, following the fundamentals, Miller reckons that Harris should be winning, and winning big.
Miller highly respects the forecasts from the “oracle of American elections,” Allan Lichtman, history professor at American University. Since 1982, Lichtman has picked the victor in every presidential election, including Trump’s surprise win over Hillary Clinton’s in 2016. He argues powerfully that it’s the fundamentals not the data, that capture the true picture. The Lichtman template asserts that thirteen bedrock drivers or “keys” determine who hits the 270 EVs or above required to capture the keys to the White House. The challenger must check six or more boxes to prevail. The list includes: Whether the incumbent party’s candidate faced a tough challenge for the nomination, and if the economy’s currently in recession.
In Lichtman’s view, Harris scores on those two, and pockets seven additional keys. Trump gets only four. In He considers that the polls now showing the vice president in trouble are meaningless because they suffer from “margins of errors” of at least twelve points. “The polls should be consigned to flames,” he stated in a recent interview. Lichtman cites that the celebrated surveys, and such famed prognosticators as Nate Silver, proved radically wrong in calling for a Clinton win in 2016. Lichtman argues that in Trump versus Clinton, the pollsters far underestimated the voting strength for Republicans, and that this year, they’re missing the Democrats actual power at the ballot box. As evidence, he cites that the Dems far outperformed the pollsters’ predictions in the 2022 midterms and the special elections that followed. Lichtman says that Harris has a lock on the fundamentals, and whatever the polls and betting odds say, the fundamentals always prevail.
Miller agrees with Lichtman that the logic of past elections favors Harris—but he’s sticking with the data
Miller shares Lichtman’s concerns about polls. He’s also impressed by Lichtman’s reasoning and track record. But he raises counter arguments as well. The recent national polls, Miller says, are “catching up,” and reinforcing, the betting odds. As of October 23, the RealClear Politics average had Trump trailing by just 0.2%, compared to 2 points as recently as October 5. The Dems, Miller warns, would need a far bigger popular vote advantage on November 5 to swing the electoral college.
The data guy also focuses on that what he ranks as a powerful Lichtman key, the nation’s current economic condition. For Lichtman, that factor’s a big plus for Harris because “incumbents” get a substantial lift if we’re not in recession. But Miller says that while the macro numbers look good, Americans don’t feel good, so the situation that usually helps the party in the White House is now doing just the opposite, imposing a heavy drag for the VP. “The message from the Democratic Party is that GDP is growing strongly, unemployment is low, inflation is coming down,” he declares. “They spotlight all these good indices. But most people don’t think about GDP or that prices aren’t rising as fast as before. They think about how they have to work two jobs to get by, or that their grocery bills jumped hugely under Biden, and that they have no savings and because of high interest rates, can’t afford a mortgage to buy a first home or trade in the old car for a new one.”
So Miller deems that “not a recession” gets swamped by the dollar squeeze Americans feel in their own lives. He raises two other negatives for the VP. A big one is her recent avowal that she wouldn’t have changed any of President Biden’s policies. “Then how is she the candidate of change, as she claims?” asks Miller. He also observes that a huge voter contingent is tired of America’s support for foreign wars, and fear that we’ll be forced to send U.S. troops onto harms way. As a result, Trump’s isolationism is currently more appealing than Harris’ traditional, pro-NATO stance that advocates strong backing for Israel in battling Hamas, and Ukraine in its fight to defeat Russia and save its homeland.
Miller also rejects the idea that PredictIt’s prices are extremely unreliable, and should be ignored, because the bettors are mostly a male, pro-Trump cohort that wildly skews the odds towards the former president. “I keep getting these OMG emails from people saying ‘How can this possibly happen? It must be because the bettors are young and male and bet like they do on sports so they’re leaning Republican!'” He counters that that tilt is slight, and that his framework corrects for it. “Keep in mind that the same investors were saying just the opposite a month ago,” he declares. “If you believe the results on September 20 then you have to believe the numbers on October 22. You can’t discount one and not the other.”
So how does he assess the chances Harris can close the gulf over the remaining thirteen days, especially now that the Kelly onslaught is dominating the news, and already lifted Harris’ formerly falling EV numbers? “Based on one day’s data, we’re seeing a shift in the direction of the campaign,” says Miller. “The trading volumes on the prediction markets are increasing, indicating that more people are changing their minds and shifting to Harris. Additionally, new investors are likely entering the market.” He adds that Kelly’s disturbing characterization of Trump may help Harris frame a compelling closing argument. “It reinforces her message that the campaign’s not just about women’s rights but everyone’s rights,” he says. “Trump’s reaction to Kelly’s comments shows once again that he regards his opponents as enemies, and that his message is dark.” The Kelly scenario, he stresses, spotlights that Harris is winning on the fundamentals that usually decide elections, but so far aren’t resonating in 2024.
Miller cautions that we’ve seen huge moves in relatively short periods, and could witness still another earthquake by Election Day that swells support for the VP, notably if the Biden team engineered a sudden settlement ending the Israel-Hamas conflict or war in Ukraine. In conclusion, Miller states that “You can make a strong case for Harris on the fundamentals. Trump should not win, but the data still says he’s going to win.” Still, the former president’s position, he adds, isn’t as strong as on the day before John Kelly dropped the haymaker that could reboot the VP’s flagging fortunes.